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Len Kalane, former editor of the newspaper, tells not only the story of City Press, but also a tale of the stories and events that shaped contemporary South Africa.
Kalane traces the birth of City Press in the 1950s and the early days of the newspaper, along with its iconic sister publication, Drum magazine. He details the role that Naspers, who bought the paper in the 1980s, and the erstwhile apartheid communication machinery played behind the scenes in an attempt to reconcile two constituencies – Afrikaner and black nationalist – and to move South Africa out of its political conundrum and towards a negotiated, peaceful settlement.
The book is in memory of author and journalist Percy Qoboza, and also incorporates a selection of his columns.
Can racism and intimacy co-exist? Can love and friendship form and flourish across South Africa’s imposed colour lines?
Who better to engage on the subject of hazardous liaisons than the students with whom Jonathan Jansen served over seven years as Vice Chancellor of the University of the Free State. The context is the University campus in Bloemfontein, the City of Roses, the Mississippi of South Africa. Rural, agricultural, insular, religious and conservative, this is not a place for breaking out. But over the years, Jansen observed shifts in campus life and noticed more and more openly interracial friendships and couples, and he began having conversations with these students with burning questions in mind.
Ten interracial couples tell their stories of love and friendship in their own words, with no social theories imposed on their meanings, but instead a focus on how these students experience the world of interracial relationships, and how flawed, outdated laws and customs set limits on human relationships, and the long shadow they cast on learning, living and loving on university campuses to this day.
South African higher education students have for the years 2015 and 2016 stood up to demand not only a free education but a decolonised, African-focused education. The calls for decolonisation of knowledge are the ultimate call for freedom. Without the decolonisation of knowledge, Africans may feel their liberation is inchoate and their efforts to shed Western dominance all come to naught.
Over the years various African leaders including Steve Biko wrote about the need to decolonise knowledge. The call for decolonisation is largely being equated with the search for an African identity that looks critically at Western hegemony. Biko sought the black people to understand their origins; to understand black history and affirm black identity. These are all embedded in the struggle to decolonise and search for African values and identities.
The contributors in this book treat several but connected themes that define what Africa and the diaspora require for a society devoid of colonialism and ready for a renewed Africa. “The discussions we develop and the philosophies we adopt on Pan Africanism and decolonisation are due to a bigger vision and for many of us the destination is African renaissance”. Everyone has a role to play in realising African renaissance; government, churches, universities, schools, cultural organisations all have a role to play in this endeavour.
"Over the past two decades, Nene has gained a reputation both locally and internationally as a thought-leader in diversity and inclusion, values-driven leadership and transformation. She has authored numerous publications, including contributing to the book Leadership Perspectives from the Front Line. She is a member of the Diversity Collegium, a think tank of globally-recognised diversity experts. She is an associate lecturer at GIBS on Global Diversity and Unconscious Bias, as well as an associate lecturer on Transformation Strategy for the Stellenbosch Business School. She is a sought-after speaker for conferences around the world."
"The ideas and experiences shared by author Nene Molefi speak directly to the troubling prejudices and inequities that persist in our world. Diversity and inclusion are more pressing than ever. Injustices and deep social divisions persist, personally and systemically. Racism, sexism, homophobia, and other forms of fear and hatred are not isolated. They remain embedded and they demand courageous, deliberate work. In this book, Nene uses her own story to cast a bright light on the transformation journey. Nene’s book quite vulnerably takes the reader on Nene’s personal journey. In addition to the deeply personal content, each chapter ends with practical guidelines on how to lead inclusively. Nene’s book offers hope and substance in our vision of a diverse and inclusive and just society." —Justice Edwin Cameron
The congress of the people – where the freedom charter was formally approved by several thousand delegates – was held over the weekend of 25–26 June 1955 in an open field in Kliptown, south of Johannesburg. It was a colourful and dramatic affair. For Ellen Lambert the CoP was seen as “the day of liberation like Martin Luther’s meeting where he gave the ‘I have a dream’ speech. The official report of the National action council that coordinated the entire campaign stated that there were 2 844 delegates representing all the most important urban centres, with approximately 300 delegates from Natal, 250 from the Eastern and Western Cape, 50 from the OFS and the rest came from the Transvaal, mainly from Johannesburg. The CoP opened under the chairmanship of Dr W Conco with a prayer by Reverend Gawe and a speech delivered on behalf of Chief Albert Luthuli, who could not attend because of his banning order. This was followed by the presentation of the Isitwalandwe – an honour of a bird feather conferred on distinguished sons of the Xhosa people – to Chief Albert Luthuli, Dr Yusuf Dadoo and Father Trevor Huddleston “in recognition of their work to build a better life in our country, founded upon democracy and equality”. After this each clause of the Freedom Charter was motivated by various speakers as listed below; limited discussion and comments were elicited from the delegates, and the clause was adopted by a show of hands: Preamble of the Freedom Charter – Alfred Hutchinson; The people shall govern – NT Naicker; All national groups shall have equal rights – Dr Letele; The people shall share in the country’s wealth – Ben Turok; The land shall be shared amongst those who work it – TE Tshunungwa; All shall be equal before the law – Dr A Sader; All shall enjoy equal human rights – Sonya Bunting; There shall be work and security – Leslie Masina; The doors of learning and culture shall be opened – Es’kia Mphahlele.
Ferial Haffajee is highly respected as one of South Africa's thought leaders and commentators. She effectively uses her media platform to raise and discuss issues pertinent to the state of the nation. In What If There Were No Whites In South Africa?, Haffajee examines our history and our present in the light of a provocative question that yields some thought-provoking analysis for the country.
From roundtable discussions with influential as well as ordinary South Africans, to research, personal thoughts and powerful anecdotes, Haffajee takes the reader through the rocky terrain of race relations in our country and grapples towards a possible way forward in terms of what it means to be South African in 2015.
From the Sunday Times bestselling author of 50 People Who Buggered Up Britain, Quentin Letts, comes his blistering new book on how Britain's out-of-touch, illiberal elite fills its boots. 'HILARIOUS' Daily Mail 'With its vicious takedowns, Quentin Letts' laugh-out-loud Patronising Bastards will have the lefty-elite running scared' The Sun Not since Marie Antoinette said 'Let them eat cake' have the peasants been so revolting. Western capitalism's elites are bemused: Brexit, Trump, and maybe more eruptions to follow. But their rulers were so good to them! Hillary Clinton called the ingrates 'a basket of deplorables', Bob Geldof flicked them a V sign, Tony Blair thought voters too thick to understand the question. Wigged judges stared down their legalistic noses at a surging, pongy populous. These people who know best, these snooterati with their faux-liberal ways, are the 'Patronising Bastards'. Their downfall is largely of their own making - their Sybaritic excesses, an obsession with political correctness, the prolonged rape of reason and rite. You'll find these self-indulgent show-ponys not just in politics and the cloistered old institutions but also in high fashion, football, among the clean-eating foodies and at the Baftas and Oscars, where celebritydom hires PR smoothies to massage reputations and mislead, distort, twist. Political columnist and bestselling author Quentin Letts identifies these condescending creeps and their networks, their methods and their dubious morals. Letts kebabs them like mutton. It's baaaahd. It's juicy. Richard Branson, Emma Thompson, Shami Chakrabarti, Jean-Claude Juncker and any head waiter who calls you 'young man' - this one's for you!
When Mark Gevisser was a little boy, growing up in a apartheid South Africa, he was obsessed with maps, and with the Holmden’s Registry, Johannesburg’s Street Guide, in particular. He played a game called “Dispatcher” with this eccentric guide, transporting himself across the city into places that would otherwise be forbidden him. It was through “Dispatcher” that he discovered apartheid, by realising that he could not find an access route to the neighbouring township of Alexandra, and later, by realising that Soweto was not mapped at all.
This was the beginning of a lifelong obsession with maps and with photographs, and what they tell us about borders and boundaries: how we define ourselves by staying within them, or by transgressing them.
Johannesburg is a place of edges and boundaries; no place for a flaneur: this book is Gevisser's account of getting lost in his home town, and then finding himself, and then getting lost again, as a gay Jewish South African who was raised under apartheid and who became an adult and married a man of a different race as the country moved towards freedom.
Using maps and memories, photographs and stories, Lost And Found In Johannesburg presents a new way of understanding race and sexuality, heritage and otherness. If Gevisser transcended boundaries by playing “Dispatcher” as a boy, his own boundaries were brutally ruptured when he was attacked in a home invasion in January 2012, while completing this book.
Lost And Found In Johannesburg is the story of that journey.
In the digital age you can get into serious legal trouble at the click of a button.
The shift from passive Internet user to active digital citizen has brought about unprecedented levels of online interaction, creation and connecting. But as people begin to share more and more about themselves and their lives on social media, they are finding themselves getting into trouble for what they say and do online.
Emma Sadleir and Tamsyn de Beer, who together run one of South Africa’s leading social media law consultancies, point out the social traps and legal tangles that you could find yourself facing as you navigate the murky waters of the digital age. In a fun, witty and easily accessible way, this ground-breaking book details the legal, disciplinary and reputational risks that you, your company and your children face online.
By outlining the laws and rules applicable to what you do and say on social media, and providing practical and common sense advice, Don’t Film Yourself Having Sex ultimately shows you that in order to reap the extraordinary benefits of digital technology without succumbing to its risks, you need to start practising responsible digital citizenship.
The Strange Death of Europe is a highly personal account of a continent and culture caught in the act of suicide. Declining birth-rates, mass immigration and cultivated self-distrust and self-hatred have come together to make Europeans unable to argue for themselves and incapable of resisting their own comprehensive change as a society. This book is not only an analysis of demographic and political realities, but also an eyewitness account of a continent in self-destruct mode. It includes reporting from across the entire continent, from the places where migrants land to the places they end up, from the people who appear to welcome them in to the places which cannot accept them. Told from this first-hand perspective, and backed with impressive research and evidence, the book addresses the disappointing failure of multiculturalism, Angela Merkel's U-turn on migration, the lack of repatriation and the Western fixation on guilt. Murray travels to Berlin, Paris, Scandinavia, Lampedusa and Greece to uncover the malaise at the very heart of the European culture, and to hear the stories of those who have arrived in Europe from far away. In each chapter he also takes a step back to look at the bigger issues which lie behind a continent's death-wish, answering the question of why anyone, let alone an entire civilisation, would do this to themselves? He ends with two visions of Europe - one hopeful, one pessimistic - which paint a picture of Europe in crisis and offer a choice as to what, if anything, we can do next.
Nelson Mandela is dead and in South Africa his dream of a rainbow nation is fading. Twenty-two years after the fall of apartheid, groups of white Afrikaners have cut themselves off from this unpredictable country, fearing that their language, culture, and eventually their entire people, may soon become extinct.
Living on edge in an ever-changing nation, many have retreated to the breakaway republic of Orania, where they work to construct a utopia for white Africans. Within the safety of their laager – a homeland with its own flag and currency – they can, once again, dictate the rules. Weaving between past and present, Into The Laager traces the war for control of South Africa, its people and its history, through a series of December 16ths, beginning with the Battle of Blood River in 1838. In so doing, it takes us back to the origin of these fears: the years of nationalism and social engineering behind this modern struggle for identity and relevancy.
Along the way, Norman asks the difficult questions – those which are as relevant in today’s South Africa as they were in 1838: How do people react when they believe their cultural identity is under threat? And how far are we prepared to go to survive as a people?
From the Sunday Times bestselling author of 50 People Who Buggered Up Britain, Quentin Letts, comes his blistering new book on how Britain's out-of-touch, illiberal elite fills its boots.DAILY MAIL BOOK OF THE YEAR'With its vicious takedowns, Quentin Letts' laugh-out-loud Patronising Bastards will have the lefty-elite running scared' The Sun'Earnest without being preachy, Patronising Bastards is a tonic for those who look about them and feel an insuperable sense of defeat' Roger Lewis, The TimesNot since Marie Antoinette said 'Let them eat cake' have the peasants been so revolting. Western capitalism's elites are bemused: Brexit, Trump, and maybe more eruptions to follow. But their rulers were so good to them! Hillary Clinton called the ingrates 'a basket of deplorables', Bob Geldof flicked them a V sign, Tony Blair thought voters too thick to understand the question. Wigged judges stared down their legalistic noses at a surging, pongy populous.These people who know best, these snooterati with their faux-liberal ways, are the 'Patronising Bastards'. Their downfall is largely of their own making - their Sybaritic excesses, an obsession with political correctness, the prolonged rape of reason and rite. You'll find these self-indulgent show-ponys not just in politics and the cloistered old institutions but also in high fashion, football, among the clean-eating foodies and at the Baftas and Oscars, where celebritydom hires PR smoothies to massage reputations and mislead, distort, twist. Political columnist and bestselling author Quentin Letts identifies these condescending creeps and their networks, their methods and their dubious morals. Letts kebabs them like mutton. It's baaaahd. It's juicy.Richard Branson, Emma Thompson, Shami Chakrabarti, Jean-Claude Juncker and any head waiter who calls you 'young man' - this one's for you!
When you hear that now ubiquitous phrase 'I find that offensive', you know you're being told to shut up. While the terrible murder of the Charlie Hebdo cartoonists demonstrated that those who offend can face the most brutal form of censorship, it also served only to intensify the pre-existing climate that dictates we all have to walk on eggshells to avoid saying anything offensive - or else.Indeed, competitive offence-claiming is ratcheting up well beyond religious sensibilities. So, while Islamists and feminists may seem to have little in common, they are both united in demanding retribution in the form of bans, penalties and censorship of those who hurt their feelings.But how did we become so thin-skinned? In 'I Find That Offensive!' Claire Fox addresses the possible causes of what is fast becoming known as 'Generation Snowflake' head-on (no 'safe spaces' here) in a call to toughen up, become more robust and make a virtue of the right to be offensive.
In recent decades the contested areas of English usage have grown both larger and more numerous. We may argue rather less frequently than was once the case over issues of grammar and usage. But we argue more frequently than ever overwhether to use man or humanity, fisher or fisherman; whether to say Indians or Native Peoples (or First Nations, or Chippewa or Cree or Snuneymuxw, as the case may be); whether to speak of a person being disabled, or challenged, or differently abled; whether it's acceptable to say that's so gay. These are all issues that some would lump together as controversies of political correctness (itself in some ways a problematic expression). Certainly they are all issues that involve ethics as well as the conventions of grammar or of English usage - though they are often intimately intertwined with those conventions. This volume offers a concise and user-friendly guide to these large issues. Can we use language in ways that avoid giving expression to prejudices embedded within it? Can the words we use help us point a way towards a better world? Can we take these issues with appropriate seriousness while remaining open-minded - and still retaining our sense of humor? To all these questions this little book answers yes, while offering clear-headed discussions of many of the key issues.
Thought Prison explores the ramifications of political correctness on language, and thus thought; its casual denial of logic and insidious reach into the realms of science and learning; its total saturation of its twin supports, the mass media and ruling elites. Once the collectively self-imposed blinkers, of good causes and good intentions, are stripped away we can see the nanny state and moral universe beyond for what it is a catastrophic delusion that is destroying the world we know. Most of us think of political correctness in terms of its scope for irony. It provides opportunity to protect us from a vaguely troubling acceptance of an enforced orthodoxy. We are familiar with the no-go areas defined by PC taboos race, sex (or to be PC, gender), ethnicity, sexual preference, disability, class and indeed of it being an engineered term to suit political and scientific argument. What we may be less able to accept is that PC is something in which we are all complicit. Thought Prison examines the way we are now, and how the Western world has come to be that way. It reveals an Orwellian dystopia that instead of being characterized by a crude authoritarian elite, is supported and driven by an irrational yet equally totalitarian and all-pervasive status quo of our own making, dominating politics, economics, public administration, law, education, the military, health services our very selves."
Where did affirmative action in employment come from? The conventional wisdom is that it was instituted during the Johnson and Nixon years through the backroom machinations of federal bureaucrats and judges. "The Fifth Freedom" presents a new perspective, tracing the roots of the policy to partisan conflicts over fair employment practices (FEP) legislation from the 1940s to the 1970s. Drawing on untapped sources, Anthony Chen chronicles the ironic, forgotten role played by American conservatives in the development of affirmative action.
Decades before affirmative action began making headlines, millions of Americans across the country debated whether government could and should regulate job discrimination. On one side was an interfaith and interracial bloc of liberals, who demanded FEP legislation that would establish a centralized system for enforcing equal treatment in the labor market. On the other side was a bloc of business-friendly, small-government conservatives, who felt that it was unwise to "legislate tolerance" and who made common cause with the conservative wing of the Republican party. Conservatives ultimately prevailed, but their obstruction of FEP legislation unintentionally facilitated the rise of affirmative action, a policy their ideological heirs would find even more abhorrent.
Broadly interdisciplinary, "The Fifth Freedom" sheds new light on the role of parties, elites, and institutions in the policymaking process; the impact of racial politics on electoral realignment; the history of civil rights; the decline of New Deal liberalism; and the rise of the New Right.
This book develops a psychoanalytic theory of political correctness and the pristine self, which is defined as a self touched by nothing but love. It explores the damage that political correctness can do to social order. Applications include the breakdown of social capital, the financial crisis, and Occupy Wall Street. Long an issue for conservatives, alarm over political correctness has now spread to the liberal side of the political spectrum. As Schwartz argues, all have reason to be concerned. The psychology that underlies political correctness has the potential to be extremely destructive to social organization on every level. Schwartz discusses the primitive roots of political correctness and, through the use of case studies, shows its capacity for ruination. The book focuses on a transformation in the idea of the self, and specifically the rise of the pristine self. The problem is that, in truth, the world does not love us. This puts the pristine self at war with objective reality.
An eye-opening critique of the identity-based revolution that has transformed American campuses and its effect on politics and society today.
The 1960s and '70s were a time of dramatic upheaval in American universities as a new generation of scholar-activists rejected traditional humanism in favor of a radical ideology that denied esthetic merit and objective truth. In The Victims' Revolution, critic and scholar Bruce Bawer provides the first true history of this radical movement and a sweeping assessment of its intellectual and cultural fruits.
Once, Bawer argues, the purpose of higher education had been to introduce students to the legacy of Western civilization--"the best that has been thought and said." The new generation of radical educators sought instead to unmask the West as the perpetrator of global injustice. Age-old values of goodness, truth, and beauty were disparaged as mere weapons in an ongoing struggle of the powerful against the powerless. Shifting the focus of the humanities to the purported victims of Western colonialism, imperialism, and capitalism, the new politicized approach to the humanities gave rise to a series of identity-based programs, including Women's Studies, Black Studies, Queer Studies, and Chicano Studies. As a result, the serious and objective study of human civilization and culture was replaced by "theoretical" approaches emphasizing group identity, victimhood, and lockstep "progressive" politics.
What have the advocates of this new anti-Western ideology accomplished?
Twenty-five years ago, Allan Bloom warned against the corruption of the humanities in The Closing of the American Mind. Bawer's book presents compelling evidence that Bloom and other conservative critics were right to be alarmed. The Victims' Revolution describes how the new identity-based disciplines came into being, examines their major proponents and texts, and trenchantly critiques their underlying premises. Bawer concludes that the influence of these programs has impoverished our thought, confused our politics, and filled the minds of their impressionable students with politically correct mush. Bawer's book is must-reading for all those concerned not only about the declining quality of American higher education, but also about the fate of our society at large.
The past decade has seen the emergence of new types of trade union representatives attracting new and more diverse activists; this book explores their motivations and values, drawing upon the voices of the activists themselves and capturing the relationship between work, social identity and class consciousness.
The Islamic threat is possibly the most disturbing political issue of our time, as it impacts on the fears of so many ordinary people. The propagation of puritanical Wahabism, through the oil 'wealth of the Gulf States, ensures that its ideology is spread worldwide as the most influential force in the world today. The entire thinking and life-style of Muslims is dictated by religious demands to the exclusion of anything regarded as profane. Such a mind-set established by the Prophet Mohammed and his followers, is long enshrined in tradition, and remains to the present day. Hence God is the single authority and his commands are interpreted through holy text alone. It is the exclusion of a secular dimension, with its appeal to independent reason that defines Islam as a totalitarian movement. The problem in the non-Islamic world, especially in Western Europe, is the penetration of nation states by a proselytising religious totalitarianism on democratic societies. The variety of means in attempting to achieve this, and the subtlety of the methods, is the subject of this book. The main objection of non-Muslims to the penetration of their culture is the creation of pseudo-legal structures, or a state within the state, e.g., their own parliament," or the announcement of no-go zones, or the establishment of Sharia courts with no legal authority. The resistance of Muslims to the idea of integration leaves them with two alternatives only: either they must create their own mini-states within the state, or else they must attempt by subtler means to seize control of leading administrative institutions. Muslims in Britain are engaged in both the above alternatives, as witnessed by their numbers and close cooperation in both Houses of Parliament, and their power in local government councils nationwide. Through a sociological and objective approach that appreciates the religious priorities of Islamic people, this book attempts to find a harmonious middle path to ensure a lasting concord between two contrasting civilisations.
In this interdisciplinary application of rhetorical analysis, Donald Lazere argues that college educators should publicly address and teach students to be aware of the conservative biases in American politics, media, and education itself that are generally assumed to be the norm of 'business as usual.' Because only bias on the left has been publicly 'marked, ' mainstream discourse shuts out any proportionate comparison with all the biases on the right--surveyed here at length. Lazere appeals to conservative scholars and intellectuals to engage in good-faith dialogue with leftist counterparts toward a balanced assessment of opposing biases.
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