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for free. This is an OCR edition with typos. Excerpt from book: was
agreed to, to meet tlie objection of the slave States.' The second
limitation was suggested by Mr. Sherman, just before the close of
the Convention, after the failure of his motion already referred
to. It provided that "No State shall without its consent be
affected in its internal police or deprived of its equal suffrage
in the Senate.'12 This was opposed by Madison on the ground that
its adoption would be but the signal for the application for
special provisions from every State. The measure only received the
support of the three small States represen ted in the Convention,
namely Connecticut, New, 'ersey, and Delaware. Having failed to
secure the guaranty he thought necessary, Mr. Sherman, determined
to guard the interests of the small States, moved to strike out the
entire article in regard to amendment, but this did not even
command the support of all the small States. At this critical
moment Gouverneur Morris moved to add the provision guaranteeing to
each State its equal representation in the Senate. "This motion,"
says Madison in his notes, "being dictated by the circulating
murmurs of the small States, was agreed to without debate or
opposition."3 Such, in brief, is the history of the origin of the
amending power as embodied in the Constitution of the United
States. The results of the deliberations of the Convention appear
in Article ? of the Constitution, which reads as follows: The
Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall deem H
necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution, or, on
tlio application of the legislatures of two-thirds of tho several
States, shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in
cither rase, shall be valid to all intents and purposes as part of
this Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of throe...
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' American Historical Association
||246 x 189 x 11mm (L x W x T)
||Paperback - Trade
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