Your cart is empty
"Burning to get the Vote" was the message left by suffragettes in March 1913 after they fire-bombed Saunderton Station.This book draws on original research to re-create the suffrage campaign in Buckinghamshire of a century ago and brings alive the struggles of some notorious and some less well-known figures in the women's fight for the vote. Muriel Matters, Hugh Franklin and Frances Dove were key figures in this local and national struggle, which involved public meetings, propaganda and a pilgrimage, as well as more extreme methods: tax evasion, window-smashing and arson. This is a popular but thorough local history of the suffrage movement, unearthing previously undiscovered evidence and tracing the trajectories of both the law-abiding National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies and the militant Women's Social & Political Union in the county.
Citizenship is no longer an exclusive relationship. Many people today are citizens of multiple countries, whether by birth, naturalization, or even through monetary means, with schemes fast-tracking citizenship applications from foreigners making large investments in the state. Moral problems surround each of those ways of acquiring a second citizenship, while retaining one's original citizenship. Multiple citizenship can also have morally problematic consequences for the coherence of collective decisions, for the constitution of the demos, and for global inequality. The phenomenon of multiple citizenship and its ramifications remains understudied, despite its magnitude and political importance. In this innovative book, Ana Tanasoca explores these issues and shows how they could be avoided by unbundling the rights that currently come with citizenship and allocating them separately. It will appeal to scholars and students of normative political theory, citizenship, global justice, and migration in political science, law, and sociology.
Patterson grew up during a time of American social unrest, protest, and upheaval, and he recounts memorable instances of segregation and integration in West Texas. As a two-year-old, he survived polio when African Americans were excluded from "whites only" hospitals. When he attempted to enroll at Texas Tech after graduating from all-black Bishop College, he was not allowed even to enter the administration building-the president would speak with him only outside, and then only to say Patterson could not be enrolled. Two years later, his aunt would become the fi rst African American to attend Texas Tech. Patterson spent his whole adult life as a grassroots activist, and as a city councilman he understood how important it was to work in solid partnership with representatives from the predominantly Hispanic neighborhoods of the city. Over the years, Patterson took every opportunity to join African American and Hispanic forces, but with a few exceptions, the traditional geographic divide of the minority population limited his efforts-and yet Patterson never gave up. His brave public marches to homes of known drug dealers brought attention to their undesirable activities. Patterson also supported city investment in Lubbock history and culture, plus new development activity, from annexation to paved roads to water mains to fi re stations. During his long career he truly was an equal-opportunity hero for all of Lubbock's citizens.
The Constitution may guarantee it. But religious freedom in America is, in fact, impossible. So argues this timely and iconoclastic work by law and religion scholar Winnifred Sullivan. Sullivan uses as the backdrop for the book the trial of Warner vs. Boca Raton, a recent case concerning the laws that protect the free exercise of religion in America. The trial, for which the author served as an expert witness, concerned regulations banning certain memorials from a multiconfessional nondenominational cemetery in Boca Raton, Florida. The book portrays the unsuccessful struggle of Catholic, Protestant, and Jewish families in Boca Raton to preserve the practice of placing such religious artifacts as crosses and stars of David on the graves of the city-owned burial ground. Sullivan demonstrates how, during the course of the proceeding, citizens from all walks of life and religious backgrounds were harassed to define just what their religion is. She argues that their plight points up a shocking truth: religion cannot be coherently defined for the purposes of American law, because everyone has different definitions of what religion is. Indeed, while religious freedom as a political idea was arguably once a force for tolerance, it has now become a force for intolerance, she maintains. A clear-eyed look at the laws created to protect religious freedom, this vigorously argued book offers a new take on a right deemed by many to be necessary for a free democratic society. It will have broad appeal not only for religion scholars, but also for anyone interested in law and the Constitution. Featuring a new preface by the author, The Impossibility of Religious Freedom offers a new take on a right deemed by many to be necessary for a free democratic society.
Deportation has again taken a prominent place within the immigration policies of nation-states. Irregular Citizenship, Immigration, and Deportation addresses the social responses to deportation, in particular the growing movements against deportation and detention, and for freedom of movement and the regularization of status. The book brings deportation and anti-deportation together with the aim of understanding the political subjects that emerge in this contested field of governance and control, freedom and struggle. However, rather than focusing on the typical subjects of removal - refugees, the undocumented, and irregular migrants - Irregular Citizenship, Immigration, and Deportation looks at the ways that citizens get caught up in the deportation apparatus and must struggle to remain in or return to their country of citizenship. The transformation of 'regular' citizens into deportable 'irregular' citizens involves the removal of the rights, duties, and obligations of citizenship. This includes unmaking citizenship through official revocation or denationalization, as well as through informal, extra-legal, and unofficial means. The book features stories about struggles over removal and return, deportation and repatriation, rescue and abandonment. The book features eleven 'acts of citizenship' that occur in the context of deportation and anti-deportation, arguing that these struggles for rights, recognition, and return are fundamentally struggles over political subjectivity - of citizenship. This book will be of interest to students and scholars of citizenship, migration and security studies.
The story of how a national grassroots network fought a resurgence of the KKK and other fascist groups during the Reagan years, laying the groundwork for today's anti-fascist/anti-racist movements. "Smash fascism! Read this book!"-Tom Morello, songwriter and guitarist with Rage Against the Machine "Studying the John Brown Anti-Klan Committee will give readers an understanding of the complexity of deconstructing the weapon of white supremacy from the inside out. Thank you Hilary and James for the precision of this analysis, and the true north of this star."-adrienne maree brown, author of Pleasure Activism and Emergent Strategy In June 1977, a group of white anti-racist activists received an alarming letter from an inmate at a New York state prison calling for help to fight the Ku Klux Klan's efforts to recruit prison staff and influence the people incarcerated. Their response was to form the first chapter of what would eventually become a powerful, nationwide grassroots network, the John Brown Anti-Klan Committee, dedicated to countering the rise of the KKK and other far-right white nationalist groups. No Fascist USA! tells the story of that network, whose efforts throughout the 1980s-which included exposing white supremacists in public office, confronting neo-Nazis in street protests, supporting movements for self-determination, and engagement with the underground punk scene-laid the groundwork for many anti-racist efforts to emerge since. Featuring original research, interviews with former members, and a trove of graphic materials, their story offers battle-tested lessons for those on the frontlines of social justice work today. Praise for No Fascist USA!: "Hilary Moore and James Tracy have written a magnificent book that not only corrects the record but helps explain the mercurial rise of white supremacist organizations in the 1970s, how the Klan was (temporarily) defeated, and why this period has been largely ignored. No Fascist USA! radically shifts our perspective, challenging the prevailing wisdom that racist terrorism rises in response to economic downturns, white downward mobility, or in a vacuum created by progressive alternatives. I love this book."-Robin D.G. Kelley, from the foreword "No Fascist USA! is not only timely, but also essential in the present period of accelerated white supremacist activity and anti-racist organizing to combat it. In telling the story of the John Brown Anti-Klan Committee, the authors, without romanticizing or condemning, draw important lessons from the fifteen-year history of the group."-Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz, author of Loaded: A Disarming History of the Second Amendment "With its savvy blend of youth culture and street confrontation, the John Brown Anti-Klan Committee tried to stop Trumpism before Trump. They confronted the rise of white nationalism in prisons, workplaces, and music scenes when precious few paid attention to it . . . Hilary Moore and James Tracy have gifted us with an urgent read."-Dan Berger, author of Captive Nation: Black Prison Organizing in the Civil Rights Era "James Tracy and Hilary Moore deliver a searing, bold new work that examines another painful and complicated chapter in American race relations. In an eye-opening account, They are able to connect the dots of the John Brown Anti-Klan Committee, a band of contemporary predominantly white activists, and its efforts to expose white supremacist organizations. With a fresh eye and new research, their book uncovers with stunning precision how these groups remain active and exposes some of their unlikely alliances."-Laurens Grant, filmmaker, The Black Panthers: Vanguard of the Revolution and Freedom Riders "We learned from history. You can too!"-Terry Bisson, author of Fire on the Mountain and former member of the John Brown Anti-Klan Committee "This book is a must-read for anyone wanting to understand the roots of what happened in Charlottesville, and the burgeoning white nationalist membership lists in the U.S. today. We cannot possibly take on the challenges we face without learning from the past. This book is a necessary and long overdue contribution to inform the way forward."-Carla F. Wallace, co-founder, Showing Up for Racial Justice "I've waited thirty years for this book! Our emergency hearts have always driven uprisings to stop white terrorism, but it always takes more than black-bloc tactics in the streets to stop fascists. No Fascist USA! firmly connects today's militant anti-fascist street-fighting movements with important living radical histories to disrupt the cycles that keep the spectre of fascism alive in the modern era. The struggles faced by the John Brown Anti-Klan Committee continue today in our difficult arc towards collective liberation."-scott crow, author of Setting Sights: Histories and Reflections on Community Armed Self-Defense
Martin Luther King, Jr. described Stride Toward Freedom as "the chronicle of 50,000 Negroes who took to heart the principles of non-violence, who learned to fight for their rights with the weapon of love, and who, in the process, acquired a new estimate of their own human worth." On December 1st, 1955, Rosa Parks was arrested for refusing to give up her seat to a white passenger on a bus in Montgomery, Alabama. Rallied by the young preacher and activist Martin Luther King, Jr., the black community of Montgomery organised a historic boycott of the bus service, rising up together to protest racial segregation. This was the first large-scale, non-violent resistance of its kind in America and marked the beginning of a national Civil Rights movement based on Martin Luther King, Jr.'s principles. Stride Toward Freedom is the account of that pivotal turning point in American history, told through Martin Luther King, Jr.'s own experiences and stories, chronicling his community's refusal to accept the injustices of racial discrimination. From U.S President Barack Obama's tribute to Martin Luther King, Jr.: "From the mountain top, he pointed the way for us - a land no longer torn asunder with racial hatred and ethnic strife, a land that measured itself by how it treats the least of these...a land in which all of God's children might come together in a spirit of brotherhood. From the mountain top, he pointed the way for us - a land no longer torn asunder with racial hatred and ethnic strife, a land that measured itself by how it treats the least of these ... a land in which all of God's children might come together in a spirit of brotherhood.From U.S President Barack Obama's tribute to Martin Luther King, Jr.Martin Luther King, Jr. described 'Stride Toward Freedom': as "the chronicle of 50,000 Negroes who took to heart the principles of non-violence, who learned to fight for their rights with the weapon of love, and who, in the process, acquired a new estimate of their own human worth."On December 1st, 1955, Rosa Parks was arrested for refusing to give up her seat to a white passenger on a bus in Montgomery, Alabama. Rallied by the young preacher and activist Martin Luther King, Jr., the black community of Montgomery organised a historic boycott of the bus service, rising up together to protest racial segregation. This was the first large-scale, non-violent resistance of its kind in America and marked the beginning of a national Civil Rights movement based on Martin Luther King, Jr's principles.'Stride Toward Freedom' is the account of that pivotal turning point in American history told through Martin Luther King's own experiences and stories, chronicling his community's refusal to accept the injustices of racial discrimination.King...would transform the Montgomery movement into a milestone of the African American struggle for freedom.Clayborne CarsonAt the time Martin Luther King, Jr. was only 26 years old and the pastor of a Baptist church in Montgomery, within a year he was a national figure and a leader of the Civil Rights movement. One of the greatest orators in American history, remembered for his 'I Have A Dream' speech, Martin Luther King was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1964. He was assassinated on April 4th 1968.
Nothing conjures up images of the American frontier and a pick-yourself-up-by-the-bootstraps view of freedom and independence quite like guns. Gun Crusaders is a fascinating inside look at how the four-million member National Rifle Association and its committed members come to see each and every gun control threat as a step down the path towards gun confiscation, and eventually socialism. Enlivened by a rich analysis of NRA materials, meetings, leader speeches, and unique in-depth interviews with NRA members, Gun Crusaders focuses on how the NRA constructs and perceives threats to gun rights as one more attack in a broad liberal cultural war. Scott Melzer shows that the NRA promotes a nostalgic vision of frontier masculinity, whereby gun rights defenders are seen as patriots and freedom fighters, defending not the freedom of religion, but the religion of individual rights and freedoms.
"Multiculturalism has run its course, and it is time to move on." So begins Jonathan Sacks' new book on the future of British society and the dangers facing liberal democracy.
Arguing that global communications have fragmented national cultures and that multiculturalism, intended to reduce social frictions, is today reinforcing them, Sacks argues for a new approach to national identity. We cannot stay with current policies that are producing a society of conflicting ghettoes and non-intersecting lives, turning religious bodies into pressure groups rather than society-building forces. Britain, he argues, will have to construct a national narrative as a basis for identity, reinvigorate the concept of the common good, and identify shared interests among currently conflicting groups. It must restore a culture of civility, protect "neutral spaces" from politicization, and find ways of moving beyond an adversarial culture in which the loudest voice wins. He argues for a responsibility- rather than rights-based model of citizenship that connects the ideas of giving and belonging.Offering a new paradigm to replace previous models of assimilation on the one hand, multiculturalism on the other, he argues that we should see society as "the home we build together," bringing the distinctive gifts of different groups to the common good. Sacks warns of the hazards free and open societies face in the twenty-first century, and offers an unusual religious defence of liberal democracy and the nation state.
In 1876, they wipe out General George A. Custer and his 7th Cavalry at the Battle of the Little Bighorn. Chief Sitting Bull and his Sioux people then flee from the United States to Canada. There, in the autumn of 1877, the Sioux are joined by the remnants of the latest Indian nation to make a stand against the US Army, the Nez Perce. Their survivors are led by Chief White Bird.
A young man follows White Bird to Sitting Bull's camp. He is White Bird's close relative and aims to tell the story of the Nez Perce War from the Nez Perce point of view. This young man's name is Duncan McDonald. Descended from chiefs of the Nez Perce and from chiefs of Scotland's most formidable clan, Duncan's family - first as Highlanders, then as Native Americans - have twice been victims of massacre and dispossession.
Written with the help of Duncan McDonald's present-day kinsfolk on the Flathead Indian Reservation in Western Montana, this real-life family saga spans two continents and more than thirty generations to link Scotland's clans with the native peoples of the American West.
In Resisting Equality Stephanie R. Rolph examines the history of the Citizens' Council, an organisation committed to coordinating opposition to desegregation and black voting rights. In the first comprehensive study of this racist group, Rolph follows the Citizens' Council from its establishment in the Mississippi Delta, through its expansion into other areas of the country and its success in incorporating elements of its agenda into national politics, to its formal dissolution in 1989. Founded in 1954, two months after the Brown v. Board of Education decision by the U.S. Supreme Court, the Council spread rapidly in its home state of Mississippi. Initially, the organisation relied on local chapters to monitor signs of black activism and take action to suppress that activism through economic and sometimes violent means. As the decade came to a close, however, the Council's influence expanded into Mississippi's political institutions, silencing white moderates and facilitating a wave of terror that severely obstructed black Mississippians' participation in the civil rights movement. As the Citizens' Council reached the peak of its power in Mississippi, its ambitions extended beyond the South. Alliances with like-minded organisations across the country supplemented waning influence at home, and the Council movement found itself in league with the earliest sparks of conservative ascension, cultivating consistent messages of grievance against minority groups and urging the necessity of white unity. Much more than a local arm of white terror, the Council's work intersected with anticommunism, conservative ideology, grassroots activism, and Radical Right organisations that facilitated its journey from the margins into mainstream politics. Perhaps most crucially, Rolph examines the extent to which the organisation survived the successes of the civil rights movement and found continued relevance even after the Council's campaign to preserve state-sanctioned forms of white supremacy ended in defeat. Using the Council's own materials, papers from its political allies, oral histories, and newspaper accounts, Resisting Equality illuminates the motives and mechanisms of this destructive group.
2016 witnessed an unprecedented shock to political elites in both Europe and America. Populism was on the march, fueled by a substantial ignorance of, or contempt for, the norms, practices, and institutions of liberal democracy. It is not surprising that observers on the left and right have called for renewed efforts at civic education. For liberal democracy to survive, they argue, a form of political education aimed at "the people" is clearly imperative. In Teachers of the People, Dana Villa takes us back to the moment in history when "the people" first appeared on the stage of modern European politics. That moment--the era just before and after the French Revolution--led many major thinkers to celebrate the dawning of a new epoch. Yet these same thinkers also worried intensely about the people's seemingly evident lack of political knowledge, experience, and judgment. Focusing on Rousseau, Hegel, Tocqueville, and Mill, Villa shows how reformist and progressive sentiments were often undercut by skepticism concerning the political capacity of ordinary people. They therefore felt that "the people" needed to be restrained, educated, and guided--by laws and institutions and a skilled political elite. The result, Villa argues, was less the taming of democracy's wilder impulses than a pervasive paternalism culminating in new forms of the tutorial state. Ironically, it is the reliance upon the distinction between "teachers" and "taught" in the work of these theorists which generates civic passivity and ignorance. And this, in turn, creates conditions favorable to the emergence of an undemocratic and illiberal populism.
aImpressive, provocative and smart.Immigrant Rights in the Shadows
of U.S. Citizenship is breathtaking in its timeliness and its broad
aAn urgent collection of essays by both activists and scholars
that puts legislative and judicial histories into dialogue with
activists' struggles to bring about social justice for immigrant
communities. Its ever-present focus on social justice connects the
specificity of individual historical struggles to broader political
Punctuated by marches across the United States in the spring of 2006, immigrant rights has re-emerged as a significant and highly visible political issue. Immigrant Rights in the Shadows of U.S. Citizenship brings prominent activists and scholars together to examine the emergence and significance of the contemporary immigrant rights movement. Contributors place the contemporary immigrant rights movement in historical and comparative contexts by looking at the ways immigrants and their allies have staked claims to rights in the past, and by examining movements based in different communities around the United States. Scholars explain the evolution of immigration policy, and analyze current conflicts around issues of immigrant rights; activists engaged in the current movement document the ways in which coalitions have been built among immigrants from different nations, and between immigrant and native- born peoples. The essays examine the ways in which questions of immigrant rights engage broader issues of identity, including gender, race, and sexuality.
In the early 1960s, civil rights activists and the Kennedy administration engaged in parallel, though not always complementary, efforts to overcome Mississippi's extreme opposition to racial desegregation. In The Mississippi Civil Rights Movement and the Kennedy Administration, 1960- 1964, James P. Marshall uncovers this history through primary source documents that explore the legal and political strategies of the federal government, follows the administration's changing and sometimes contentious relationship with civil rights organizations, and reveals the tactics used by local and state entities in Mississippi to stem the advancement of racial equality. A historian and longtime civil rights activist, Marshall collects a vast array of documents from the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and excerpts from his own 1960s interviews with leading figures in the movement for racial justice. This volume tracks early forms of resistance to racial parity adopted by the White Citizens' Councils and chapters of the Ku Klux Klan at the local level as well as by Mississippi congressmen and other elected officials who used both legal obstructionism and extra-legal actions to block efforts meant to promote integration. Quoting from interviews and correspondence among the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee members, government officials, and other constituents of the Democratic Party, Marshall also explores decisions about voter registration drives and freedom rides as well as formal efforts by the Kennedy administration- including everything from minority hiring initiatives to federal litigation and party platform changes- to exert pressure on Mississippi to end segregation. Through a carefully curated selection of letters, interviews, government records, and legal documents, The Mississippi Civil Rights Movement and the Kennedy Administration, 1960- 1964 sheds new light on the struggle to advance racial justice for African Americans living in the Magnolia State.
The war industries associated with World War II brought unparalleled employment opportunities for African Americans in San Francisco, a city whose African American population grew by over 650% between 1940 and 1945. With this population increase came an increase in racial discrimination directed at African Americans, primarily in the employment and housing sectors. In San Francisco, most African Americans were effectively barred from renting or buying homes in all but a few neighborhoods and, except for the well-educated and lucky, employment opportunities were open in near-entry levels for white-collar positions or in unskilled and semi-skilled blue-collar positions. As San Francisco's African American population expanded, civil rights groups formed coalitions to picket and protest, thereby effectively expanding job opportunities and opening the housing market for African American San Franciscans. This book describes and explains some of the obstacles and triumphs faced and achieved in areas such as housing, employment, education and civil rights. It reaches across disciplines from African American studies and history into urban studies and sociology.
"Representing the Race" tells the story of an enduring paradox of American race relations, through the prism of a collective biography of African American lawyers who worked in the era of segregation. Practicing the law and seeking justice for diverse clients, they confronted a tension between their racial identity as black men and women and their professional identity as lawyers. Both blacks and whites demanded that these attorneys stand apart from their racial community as members of the legal fraternity. Yet, at the same time, they were expected to be "authentic"-that is, in sympathy with the black masses. This conundrum, as Kenneth W. Mack shows, continues to reverberate through American politics today.
Mack reorients what we thought we knew about famous figures such as Thurgood Marshall, who rose to prominence by convincing local blacks and prominent whites that he was-as nearly as possible-one of them. But he also introduces a little-known cast of characters to the American racial narrative. These include Loren Miller, the biracial Los Angeles lawyer who, after learning in college that he was black, became a Marxist critic of his fellow black attorneys and ultimately a leading civil rights advocate; and Pauli Murray, a black woman who seemed neither black nor white, neither man nor woman, who helped invent sex discrimination as a category of law. The stories of these lawyers pose the unsettling question: what, ultimately, does it mean to "represent" a minority group in the give-and-take of American law and politics?
View the Table of Contents. Read the Prologue.
Foreword by U.S. Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg
"Exceptionally well-researcheda].Norgrenas contribution is to
situate Lockwood among a generation of female activistsa].Norgren
isa]successful in moving the woman who would be president to her
proper standing as a pioneering lawyer who would change
aNorgren has written an engrossing and insightful book about
Belva Lockwood, a woman who, through tenacity, drive and self
worth, accomplished more in the 19th century than many modern women
accomplish. Because Lockwood was known to few and most of her
personal papers were destroyed after her death, Norgren has done an
exemplary job of illuminating the life of this varied and
aAn engaging account of Belva Lockwoodas struggles and achievements as one of the first women to enter the legal profession in the United States in the late 19th century.a--"Canadian Journal of Law and Society"
aNorgren describes a farmwife who became a fearless advocate for
womenas rights and the first woman lawyer to argue before the
aNorgren eloquently and succinctly educates the reader on the
story of the first woman to ever be allowed to argue before the
United States Supreme Court, as well as the first woman to ever
launch two full scale bids for this countryas
presidency....Norgrenas writing is engaging and her narrative is
accessible yet rich with fact.a
aJill Norgrenas study of Belva Lockwood (which comes with a
graceful preface by Ruth Bader Ginsburg) is a very unusual book. ..
. Norgren has the great discernment to see Lockwoodas life as large
and anticipatory rather than eccentric and half-realized. A legal
historian of considerable skill, she ploughed through reams of
records to construct an account of Lockwoodas legal career. . . .
The comparison [of Hillary Clinton and Nancy Pelosi to] Belva
Lockwood is illuminating, because it was Lockwoodas instinct for
opportunity that took her out of womenas politics, with their
intact principles, into the thick of things. . . . The biographies
of these women will be composed of the workaday, disenchanted
materials of political lives--perseverance, competence, canniness,
and, yes, a facility for the quick grab--that Belva Lockwood
cultivated and prized.a
aAstonishingly, this is the first scholarly biography of
19th-century activist Belva Lockwood. Lawyer, lobbyist, wife,
mother, and contemporary of Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady
Stanton, Lockwood was among the most formidable of equal rights
advocates. The first female lawyer admitted to practice before the
U.S. Supreme Court, the relentlessly ambitious Lockwood ran for the
U.S. presidency in 1884 and 1888 on the Equal Rights Party
ticketa].Later she concentrated on her work for the Universal Peace
Union and her Washington, DC, legal practice while maintaining a
demanding public-speaking schedule. Her life was never easy, as she
constantly fought to surmount political and legal barriers and to
support her family. Although few of Lockwoodas papers have
survived, Norgren has delivered an able and long overdue study of
Lockwoodas life, drawing on newspapers, magazines, organizational
records, and the papers ofLockwoodas contemporaries. Though the
book emphasizes Lockwoodas career, the inclusion of information on
her family and friends gives added dimension. Highly recommended
for both public and academic libraries; essential for womenas
aMany biographers would balk at the paucity of archival sources,
but Norgren persisted. . . . In [Norgrenas] credible narrative,
Lockwood emerges as a shrewd self-promoter, never hesitating to
garner publicity for herself and her causes. . . . In eloquent
detail, Norgren shows how Lockwood loved the law.a
aLong before Hillary Clinton, there was Belva Lockwood: two-time
presidential hopeful, Lockwood campaigned in 1884 and 1888 on a
platform of women's suffrage. In the first full-length biography of
this feminist pioneer, legal historian Norgren has meticulously
researched what little has remained of Lockwood's papers, most of
which were destroyed after her death.a
aIn this thoroughly researched and beautifully written
biography, Jill Norgren traces Belva Lockwoodas dogged efforts to
earn a living as a lawyer in Washington while caring for her
daughter and becoming a leading advocate for womanas suffrage and
the peaceful arbitration of international disputes. Norgrenas
brilliant study makes clear why Lockwood--the first woman to argue
before the Supreme Court (1879) and run for President (1884 and
1888)--belongs in the ranks of Susan B. Anthony, Elizabeth Cady
Stanton, and Frances Willard.a
aJill Norgren beautifully weaves thepersonal and political
ordeals of Belva Lockwood's life into a compelling story that
illuminates Lockwood's enduring contributions. This is a dramatic
account of a pioneering woman whose life in the law still resonates
in contemporary times.a
aJill Norgren's splendid biography of one of history's most
astonishing pioneers-first woman counsel before the Supreme Court,
visionary for equal rights, international peace activist, Indian
rights litigator, presidential candidate-is provocative,
challenging, galvanizing! Brilliantly researched, vividly written,
and profoundly discerning. Everybody concerned about justice, human
rights, the future of democracy, and women's power will rush to
read, and assign, this important book.a
aBelva Lockwood lived a life of afirstsa as a practicing lawyer
at a time when women were rare in any profession. She was the first
woman admitted to the Bar of the Supreme Court and twice ran for
President of the United States. Jill Norgren captures the story of
this forgotten heroine in a biography as fast paced and interesting
as the life Lockwood led.a
aJill Norgren's biography of Belva Lockwood is a gem. Not only
does she describe the amazingly full life of an important woman now
practically forgotten, but she takes us into the politics of the
late-nineteenth century women's reform movement in a way few other
authors have done. This is a must-read book.a
In Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would be President, prize-winning legal historian Jill Norgren recounts, for the first time, the life story of one of the nineteenth century's most surprising and accomplished advocates for women's rights. As Norgren shows, Lockwood was fearless in confronting the male establishment, commanding the attention of presidents, members of Congress, influential writers, and everyday Americans. Obscured for too long in the historical shadow of her longtime colleague, Susan B. Anthony, Lockwood steps into the limelight at last in this engaging new biography.
Born on a farm in upstate New York in 1830, Lockwood married young and reluctantly became a farmer's wife. After her husband's premature death, however, she earned a college degree, became a teacher, and moved to Washington, DC with plans to become an attorney-an occupation all but closed to women. Not only did she become one of the first female attorneys in the U.S., but in 1879 became the first woman ever allowed to practice at the bar of the Supreme Court.
In 1884 Lockwood continued her trailblazing ways as the first woman to run a full campaign for the U.S. Presidency. She ran for President again in 1888. Although her candidacies were unsuccessful (as she knew they would be), Lockwood demonstrated that women could compete with men in the political arena. After these campaigns she worked tirelessly on behalf of the Universal Peace Union, hoping, until her death in 1917, that she, or the organization, would win the Nobel Peace Prize.
Belva Lockwood deserves to be far better known. As Norgren notes, it is likely that Lockwood would be widely recognized today as a feminist pioneer if most of her personal papers had not been destroyed after her death. Fortunately for readers, Norgren shares much of her subject's tenacity and she has ensured Lockwood's rightful place in history with this meticulously researched and beautifully written book.
In 1915, two men,one a journalist agitator, the other a technically brilliant filmmaker,incited a public confrontation that roiled America, pitting black against white, Hollywood against Boston, and free speech against civil rights.Monroe Trotter and D. W. Griffith were fighting over a film that dramatized the Civil War and Reconstruction in a post-Confederate South. Griffith's film, The Birth of a Nation , included actors in blackface, heroic portraits of Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, and a depiction of Lincoln's assassination. Freed slaves were portrayed as villainous, vengeful, slovenly, and dangerous to the sanctity of American values. It was tremendously successful, eventually seen by 25 million Americans. But violent protests against the film flared up across the country.Almost fifty years earlier, Monroe's father, James, was a sergeant in an all-black Union regiment that marched into Charleston, South Carolina, just as the Kentucky cavalry,including Roaring Jack Griffith, D. W.'s father,fled for their lives. Monroe Trotter's titanic crusade to have the film censored became a blueprint for dissent during the 1950s and 1960s. This is the fiery story of a revolutionary moment for mass media and the nascent civil rights movement, and the men clashing over the cultural and political soul of a still-young America standing at the cusp of its greatest days.
This book sheds new light on gender-based inequalities in a globalized world. Interdisciplinary in scope, it reveals new avenues of research on gendered citizenship, analysing the possibilities and pitfalls of being represented and of representing someone. Drawing on contexts both historical and contemporary, it queries what it means to have access to representation, which power structures regulate and produce representation, and who counts as a citizen. Situating its arguments in the global struggle for hegemony, it answers such thought-provoking questions as whether one can represent someone or be represented without recourse to citizenship and, conversely, whether it is possible to be a citizen if one does not have access to representation. This engaging edited collection will appeal to students and scholars of sociology, social anthropology, history, media studies, political science, literature, gender studies and cultural studies. div>
This book offers an analysis on contemporary Israeli democracy, examining in particular society and politics from the perspectives of the different ethnic groups outside of the Ashkenazi mainstream. The book explores the political expressions of the secondary groups in Israel (Mizrahim, Religious, Russians and Palestinian-Arab) and how these groups where treated by the Ashkinazim as a threat to its hegemony over the state. Looking at the instability created by the struggle of these marginal groups against the state, and the discrimination policy practiced by the Ashkenazi 'hegemonic ethnic state' regime against the other, non-Ashkenazi, groups, the book illustrates how this has contributed to the failure to establish an `Israeli people'. Ethnic Politics in Israel will be of great interest to students and researchers in the fields of Middle East, Palestinian, Arab, Jewish and Israeli studies, political science, sociology and psychology.
A multifaceted response to issues concerning personal privacy and government power by writers, artists, and others The filmmaker, artist, and journalist Laura Poitras has explored the themes of mass surveillance, "war on terror," drone program, Guantanamo, and torture in her work for more than ten years. In 2013, Poitras was contacted by Edward Snowden, a former National Security Agency subcontractor who leaked classified information about government-sponsored surveillance. Her resulting documentary, Citizenfour, which won an Academy Award for best documentary feature in 2015, is the third film in her post-9/11 film trilogy. For this volume, Poitras has invited authors ranging from artists and novelists to technologists and academics to respond to the modern-day state of mass surveillance. Among them are the acclaimed author Dave Eggers, the Chinese artist Ai Weiwei, the former Guantanamo Bay detainee Lakhdar Boumediene, the writer and researcher Kate Crawford, and Edward Snowden, to name but a few. Some contributors worked directly with Poitras and the archive of documents leaked by Snowden; others contributed fictional reinterpretations of spycraft. The result is a "how-to" guide for living in a society that collects extraordinary amounts of information on individuals. Questioning the role of surveillance and advocating for collective privacy are central tennets for Poitras, who has long engaged with and supported free-software technologists.
An analytical record of all plays, extinct or lost, chronologically arranged and indexed by authors, titles and dramatic companies.
"Religion and Social Justice for Immigrants captures the fascinating diversity of faith-based resistance around U.S. immigration issues. While much attention is given to the destructive aspects of fundamentalism, this book reveals that other religious groups are working constructively and tenaciously for the rights of those who are marginalized and mistreated."-Sharon Erickson Nepstad, author of Convictions of the Soul: Religion, Culture, and Agency in the Central America Solidarity Movement "This timely volume is the first social science analysis to focus on the influence of religion on social justice issues for immigrants."-Helen Rose Ebaugh, coauthor of Religion and the New Immigrants Religion has jumped into the sphere of global and domestic politics in ways that few would have imagined a century ago. Some expected that religion would die as modernity flourished. Instead, it now stares at us almost daily from the front pages of newspapers and television broadcasts. Although it is usually stories about the Christian Right or conservative Islam that grab headlines, there are many religious activists of other political persuasions that are working quietly for social justice. This book examines how religious immigrants and religious activists are working for equitable treatment for immigrants in the United States. The essays in this book analyze the different ways in which organized religion provides immigrants with an arena for mobilization, civic participation, and solidarity. Contributors explore topics including how non-Western religious groups such as the Vietnamese Caodai are striving for community recognition and addressing problems such as racism, economic issues, and the politics of diaspora; how interfaith groups organize religious people into immigrant civil rights activists at the U.S.-Mexican border; and how Catholic groups advocate governmental legislation and policies on behalf of refugees. Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo is a professor in the department of sociology at the University of Southern California in Los Angeles.
You may like...
Erdogan Rising - The Battle for the Soul…
Hannah Lucinda Smith Hardcover (1)
The Woman's Hour
Elaine Weiss Paperback
Life in the UK Test: Study Guide 2020…
Henry Dillon, Alastair Smith Paperback (1)
Moaning Low - From Slavery to Peonage…
Van Hawkins Hardcover
John Brown - The Legend Revisited
Merrill D. Peterson Paperback R548 Discovery Miles 5 480
Impeachment - A Citizen's Guide
Cass R. Sunstein Paperback
Vanishing Georgia - Photographs from the…
Sherry Konter, George S. Whiteley Paperback
The congress of the people and freedom…
Ismail Vadi Paperback
Sorry, Not Sorry - Experiences Of A…
Haji Mohamed Dawjee Paperback (6)
Youth to Power - Your Voice and How to…
Jamie Margolin Paperback