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"A liberal society stands on the proposition that we should all
take seriously the idea that we might be wrong. This means we must
place no one, including ourselves, beyond the reach of criticism;
it means that we must allow people to err, even where the error
offends and upsets, as it often will." So writes Jonathan Rauch in
"Kindly Inquisitors, " which has challenged readers for more than
twenty years with its bracing and provocative exploration of the
issues surrounding attempts to limit free speech. In it, Rauch
makes a persuasive argument for the value of "liberal science" and
the idea that conflicting views produce knowledge within
Nothing conjures up images of the American frontier and a pick-yourself-up-by-the-bootstraps view of freedom and independence quite like guns. Gun Crusaders is a fascinating inside look at how the four-million member National Rifle Association and its committed members come to see each and every gun control threat as a step down the path towards gun confiscation, and eventually socialism. Enlivened by a rich analysis of NRA materials, meetings, leader speeches, and unique in-depth interviews with NRA members, Gun Crusaders focuses on how the NRA constructs and perceives threats to gun rights as one more attack in a broad liberal cultural war. Scott Melzer shows that the NRA promotes a nostalgic vision of frontier masculinity, whereby gun rights defenders are seen as patriots and freedom fighters, defending not the freedom of religion, but the religion of individual rights and freedoms.
In Resisting Equality Stephanie R. Rolph examines the history of the Citizens' Council, an organisation committed to coordinating opposition to desegregation and black voting rights. In the first comprehensive study of this racist group, Rolph follows the Citizens' Council from its establishment in the Mississippi Delta, through its expansion into other areas of the country and its success in incorporating elements of its agenda into national politics, to its formal dissolution in 1989. Founded in 1954, two months after the Brown v. Board of Education decision by the U.S. Supreme Court, the Council spread rapidly in its home state of Mississippi. Initially, the organisation relied on local chapters to monitor signs of black activism and take action to suppress that activism through economic and sometimes violent means. As the decade came to a close, however, the Council's influence expanded into Mississippi's political institutions, silencing white moderates and facilitating a wave of terror that severely obstructed black Mississippians' participation in the civil rights movement. As the Citizens' Council reached the peak of its power in Mississippi, its ambitions extended beyond the South. Alliances with like-minded organisations across the country supplemented waning influence at home, and the Council movement found itself in league with the earliest sparks of conservative ascension, cultivating consistent messages of grievance against minority groups and urging the necessity of white unity. Much more than a local arm of white terror, the Council's work intersected with anticommunism, conservative ideology, grassroots activism, and Radical Right organisations that facilitated its journey from the margins into mainstream politics. Perhaps most crucially, Rolph examines the extent to which the organisation survived the successes of the civil rights movement and found continued relevance even after the Council's campaign to preserve state-sanctioned forms of white supremacy ended in defeat. Using the Council's own materials, papers from its political allies, oral histories, and newspaper accounts, Resisting Equality illuminates the motives and mechanisms of this destructive group.
Originally passed in 1885, the law that had made homosexual relations a crime remained in place for 82 years. But during this time, restrictions on same-sex relationships did not go unchallenged. Between 1891 and 1908, three books on the nature of homosexuality appeared. They were written by two homosexual men: Edward Carpenter and John Addington Symonds, and a third, Havelock Ellis. At this time, the study of homosexuality was limited almost exclusively to the European continent. Books that were circulated freely in Europe were hardly known in England, and men who loved men were pushed to the margins of a society where masculinity was strenuously upheld. Carpenter and Symonds' story and their brave stand against persecution is largely forgotten, but in such a hostile environment, their publications were highly significant. They were the first English contributions to the scientific understanding of homosexuality, and, more importantly, opened the long struggle for the legal recognition of same-sex love that was finally achieved in 1967. The Fraternity of the Estranged will speak principally to the LGBT community and, in a time more accepting of sexual diversity, to a wider readership. It will also appeal to readers interested in history as it recounts what it was like to be homosexual in late-Victorian England.
In the early 1960s, civil rights activists and the Kennedy administration engaged in parallel, though not always complementary, efforts to overcome Mississippi's extreme opposition to racial desegregation. In The Mississippi Civil Rights Movement and the Kennedy Administration, 1960- 1964, James P. Marshall uncovers this history through primary source documents that explore the legal and political strategies of the federal government, follows the administration's changing and sometimes contentious relationship with civil rights organizations, and reveals the tactics used by local and state entities in Mississippi to stem the advancement of racial equality. A historian and longtime civil rights activist, Marshall collects a vast array of documents from the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and excerpts from his own 1960s interviews with leading figures in the movement for racial justice. This volume tracks early forms of resistance to racial parity adopted by the White Citizens' Councils and chapters of the Ku Klux Klan at the local level as well as by Mississippi congressmen and other elected officials who used both legal obstructionism and extra-legal actions to block efforts meant to promote integration. Quoting from interviews and correspondence among the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee members, government officials, and other constituents of the Democratic Party, Marshall also explores decisions about voter registration drives and freedom rides as well as formal efforts by the Kennedy administration- including everything from minority hiring initiatives to federal litigation and party platform changes- to exert pressure on Mississippi to end segregation. Through a carefully curated selection of letters, interviews, government records, and legal documents, The Mississippi Civil Rights Movement and the Kennedy Administration, 1960- 1964 sheds new light on the struggle to advance racial justice for African Americans living in the Magnolia State.
"Representing the Race" tells the story of an enduring paradox of American race relations, through the prism of a collective biography of African American lawyers who worked in the era of segregation. Practicing the law and seeking justice for diverse clients, they confronted a tension between their racial identity as black men and women and their professional identity as lawyers. Both blacks and whites demanded that these attorneys stand apart from their racial community as members of the legal fraternity. Yet, at the same time, they were expected to be "authentic"-that is, in sympathy with the black masses. This conundrum, as Kenneth W. Mack shows, continues to reverberate through American politics today.
Mack reorients what we thought we knew about famous figures such as Thurgood Marshall, who rose to prominence by convincing local blacks and prominent whites that he was-as nearly as possible-one of them. But he also introduces a little-known cast of characters to the American racial narrative. These include Loren Miller, the biracial Los Angeles lawyer who, after learning in college that he was black, became a Marxist critic of his fellow black attorneys and ultimately a leading civil rights advocate; and Pauli Murray, a black woman who seemed neither black nor white, neither man nor woman, who helped invent sex discrimination as a category of law. The stories of these lawyers pose the unsettling question: what, ultimately, does it mean to "represent" a minority group in the give-and-take of American law and politics?
The war industries associated with World War II brought unparalleled employment opportunities for African Americans in San Francisco, a city whose African American population grew by over 650% between 1940 and 1945. With this population increase came an increase in racial discrimination directed at African Americans, primarily in the employment and housing sectors. In San Francisco, most African Americans were effectively barred from renting or buying homes in all but a few neighborhoods and, except for the well-educated and lucky, employment opportunities were open in near-entry levels for white-collar positions or in unskilled and semi-skilled blue-collar positions. As San Francisco's African American population expanded, civil rights groups formed coalitions to picket and protest, thereby effectively expanding job opportunities and opening the housing market for African American San Franciscans. This book describes and explains some of the obstacles and triumphs faced and achieved in areas such as housing, employment, education and civil rights. It reaches across disciplines from African American studies and history into urban studies and sociology.
View the Table of Contents. Read the Prologue.
Foreword by U.S. Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg
"Exceptionally well-researcheda].Norgrenas contribution is to
situate Lockwood among a generation of female activistsa].Norgren
isa]successful in moving the woman who would be president to her
proper standing as a pioneering lawyer who would change
aNorgren has written an engrossing and insightful book about
Belva Lockwood, a woman who, through tenacity, drive and self
worth, accomplished more in the 19th century than many modern women
accomplish. Because Lockwood was known to few and most of her
personal papers were destroyed after her death, Norgren has done an
exemplary job of illuminating the life of this varied and
aAn engaging account of Belva Lockwoodas struggles and achievements as one of the first women to enter the legal profession in the United States in the late 19th century.a--"Canadian Journal of Law and Society"
aNorgren describes a farmwife who became a fearless advocate for
womenas rights and the first woman lawyer to argue before the
aNorgren eloquently and succinctly educates the reader on the
story of the first woman to ever be allowed to argue before the
United States Supreme Court, as well as the first woman to ever
launch two full scale bids for this countryas
presidency....Norgrenas writing is engaging and her narrative is
accessible yet rich with fact.a
aJill Norgrenas study of Belva Lockwood (which comes with a
graceful preface by Ruth Bader Ginsburg) is a very unusual book. ..
. Norgren has the great discernment to see Lockwoodas life as large
and anticipatory rather than eccentric and half-realized. A legal
historian of considerable skill, she ploughed through reams of
records to construct an account of Lockwoodas legal career. . . .
The comparison [of Hillary Clinton and Nancy Pelosi to] Belva
Lockwood is illuminating, because it was Lockwoodas instinct for
opportunity that took her out of womenas politics, with their
intact principles, into the thick of things. . . . The biographies
of these women will be composed of the workaday, disenchanted
materials of political lives--perseverance, competence, canniness,
and, yes, a facility for the quick grab--that Belva Lockwood
cultivated and prized.a
aAstonishingly, this is the first scholarly biography of
19th-century activist Belva Lockwood. Lawyer, lobbyist, wife,
mother, and contemporary of Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady
Stanton, Lockwood was among the most formidable of equal rights
advocates. The first female lawyer admitted to practice before the
U.S. Supreme Court, the relentlessly ambitious Lockwood ran for the
U.S. presidency in 1884 and 1888 on the Equal Rights Party
ticketa].Later she concentrated on her work for the Universal Peace
Union and her Washington, DC, legal practice while maintaining a
demanding public-speaking schedule. Her life was never easy, as she
constantly fought to surmount political and legal barriers and to
support her family. Although few of Lockwoodas papers have
survived, Norgren has delivered an able and long overdue study of
Lockwoodas life, drawing on newspapers, magazines, organizational
records, and the papers ofLockwoodas contemporaries. Though the
book emphasizes Lockwoodas career, the inclusion of information on
her family and friends gives added dimension. Highly recommended
for both public and academic libraries; essential for womenas
aMany biographers would balk at the paucity of archival sources,
but Norgren persisted. . . . In [Norgrenas] credible narrative,
Lockwood emerges as a shrewd self-promoter, never hesitating to
garner publicity for herself and her causes. . . . In eloquent
detail, Norgren shows how Lockwood loved the law.a
aLong before Hillary Clinton, there was Belva Lockwood: two-time
presidential hopeful, Lockwood campaigned in 1884 and 1888 on a
platform of women's suffrage. In the first full-length biography of
this feminist pioneer, legal historian Norgren has meticulously
researched what little has remained of Lockwood's papers, most of
which were destroyed after her death.a
aIn this thoroughly researched and beautifully written
biography, Jill Norgren traces Belva Lockwoodas dogged efforts to
earn a living as a lawyer in Washington while caring for her
daughter and becoming a leading advocate for womanas suffrage and
the peaceful arbitration of international disputes. Norgrenas
brilliant study makes clear why Lockwood--the first woman to argue
before the Supreme Court (1879) and run for President (1884 and
1888)--belongs in the ranks of Susan B. Anthony, Elizabeth Cady
Stanton, and Frances Willard.a
aJill Norgren beautifully weaves thepersonal and political
ordeals of Belva Lockwood's life into a compelling story that
illuminates Lockwood's enduring contributions. This is a dramatic
account of a pioneering woman whose life in the law still resonates
in contemporary times.a
aJill Norgren's splendid biography of one of history's most
astonishing pioneers-first woman counsel before the Supreme Court,
visionary for equal rights, international peace activist, Indian
rights litigator, presidential candidate-is provocative,
challenging, galvanizing! Brilliantly researched, vividly written,
and profoundly discerning. Everybody concerned about justice, human
rights, the future of democracy, and women's power will rush to
read, and assign, this important book.a
aBelva Lockwood lived a life of afirstsa as a practicing lawyer
at a time when women were rare in any profession. She was the first
woman admitted to the Bar of the Supreme Court and twice ran for
President of the United States. Jill Norgren captures the story of
this forgotten heroine in a biography as fast paced and interesting
as the life Lockwood led.a
aJill Norgren's biography of Belva Lockwood is a gem. Not only
does she describe the amazingly full life of an important woman now
practically forgotten, but she takes us into the politics of the
late-nineteenth century women's reform movement in a way few other
authors have done. This is a must-read book.a
In Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would be President, prize-winning legal historian Jill Norgren recounts, for the first time, the life story of one of the nineteenth century's most surprising and accomplished advocates for women's rights. As Norgren shows, Lockwood was fearless in confronting the male establishment, commanding the attention of presidents, members of Congress, influential writers, and everyday Americans. Obscured for too long in the historical shadow of her longtime colleague, Susan B. Anthony, Lockwood steps into the limelight at last in this engaging new biography.
Born on a farm in upstate New York in 1830, Lockwood married young and reluctantly became a farmer's wife. After her husband's premature death, however, she earned a college degree, became a teacher, and moved to Washington, DC with plans to become an attorney-an occupation all but closed to women. Not only did she become one of the first female attorneys in the U.S., but in 1879 became the first woman ever allowed to practice at the bar of the Supreme Court.
In 1884 Lockwood continued her trailblazing ways as the first woman to run a full campaign for the U.S. Presidency. She ran for President again in 1888. Although her candidacies were unsuccessful (as she knew they would be), Lockwood demonstrated that women could compete with men in the political arena. After these campaigns she worked tirelessly on behalf of the Universal Peace Union, hoping, until her death in 1917, that she, or the organization, would win the Nobel Peace Prize.
Belva Lockwood deserves to be far better known. As Norgren notes, it is likely that Lockwood would be widely recognized today as a feminist pioneer if most of her personal papers had not been destroyed after her death. Fortunately for readers, Norgren shares much of her subject's tenacity and she has ensured Lockwood's rightful place in history with this meticulously researched and beautifully written book.
In 1915, two men,one a journalist agitator, the other a technically brilliant filmmaker,incited a public confrontation that roiled America, pitting black against white, Hollywood against Boston, and free speech against civil rights.Monroe Trotter and D. W. Griffith were fighting over a film that dramatized the Civil War and Reconstruction in a post-Confederate South. Griffith's film, The Birth of a Nation , included actors in blackface, heroic portraits of Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, and a depiction of Lincoln's assassination. Freed slaves were portrayed as villainous, vengeful, slovenly, and dangerous to the sanctity of American values. It was tremendously successful, eventually seen by 25 million Americans. But violent protests against the film flared up across the country.Almost fifty years earlier, Monroe's father, James, was a sergeant in an all-black Union regiment that marched into Charleston, South Carolina, just as the Kentucky cavalry,including Roaring Jack Griffith, D. W.'s father,fled for their lives. Monroe Trotter's titanic crusade to have the film censored became a blueprint for dissent during the 1950s and 1960s. This is the fiery story of a revolutionary moment for mass media and the nascent civil rights movement, and the men clashing over the cultural and political soul of a still-young America standing at the cusp of its greatest days.
A multifaceted response to issues concerning personal privacy and government power by writers, artists, and others The filmmaker, artist, and journalist Laura Poitras has explored the themes of mass surveillance, "war on terror," drone program, Guantanamo, and torture in her work for more than ten years. In 2013, Poitras was contacted by Edward Snowden, a former National Security Agency subcontractor who leaked classified information about government-sponsored surveillance. Her resulting documentary, Citizenfour, which won an Academy Award for best documentary feature in 2015, is the third film in her post-9/11 film trilogy. For this volume, Poitras has invited authors ranging from artists and novelists to technologists and academics to respond to the modern-day state of mass surveillance. Among them are the acclaimed author Dave Eggers, the Chinese artist Ai Weiwei, the former Guantanamo Bay detainee Lakhdar Boumediene, the writer and researcher Kate Crawford, and Edward Snowden, to name but a few. Some contributors worked directly with Poitras and the archive of documents leaked by Snowden; others contributed fictional reinterpretations of spycraft. The result is a "how-to" guide for living in a society that collects extraordinary amounts of information on individuals. Questioning the role of surveillance and advocating for collective privacy are central tennets for Poitras, who has long engaged with and supported free-software technologists.
#1 NEW YORK TIMES BESTSELLER - Pulitzer Prize-winning author Jon Meacham helps us understand the present moment in American politics and life by looking back at critical times in our history when hope overcame division and fear.
NAMED ONE OF THE BEST BOOKS OF THE YEAR BY NPR - The Christian Science Monitor - Southern Living
Our current climate of partisan fury is not new, and in The Soul of America Meacham shows us how what Abraham Lincoln called the "better angels of our nature" have repeatedly won the day. Painting surprising portraits of Lincoln and other presidents, including Ulysses S. Grant, Theodore Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson, Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harry S. Truman, Dwight Eisenhower, and Lyndon B. Johnson, and illuminating the courage of such influential citizen activists as Martin Luther King, Jr., early suffragettes Alice Paul and Carrie Chapman Catt, civil rights pioneers Rosa Parks and John Lewis, First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt, and Army-McCarthy hearings lawyer Joseph N. Welch, Meacham brings vividly to life turning points in American history. He writes about the Civil War, Reconstruction, and the birth of the Lost Cause; the backlash against immigrants in the First World War and the resurgence of the Ku Klux Klan in the 1920s; the fight for women's rights; the demagoguery of Huey Long and Father Coughlin and the isolationist work of America First in the years before World War II; the anti-Communist witch-hunts led by Senator Joseph McCarthy; and Lyndon Johnson's crusade against Jim Crow. Each of these dramatic hours in our national life have been shaped by the contest to lead the country to look forward rather than back, to assert hope over fear--a struggle that continues even now.
While the American story has not always--or even often--been heroic, we have been sustained by a belief in progress even in the gloomiest of times. In this inspiring book, Meacham reassures us, "The good news is that we have come through such darkness before"--as, time and again, Lincoln's better angels have found a way to prevail.
An analytical record of all plays, extinct or lost, chronologically arranged and indexed by authors, titles and dramatic companies.
Genocide-the intent to destroy in whole or in part, a group of people. TIME's 42 Most Anticipated Books of Fall 2019 Book Riot's 50 of the Best Books to Read This Fall As seen on CBS This Morning, award-winning attorney Ben Crump exposes a heinous truth in Open Season: Whether with a bullet or a lengthy prison sentence, America is killing black people and justifying it legally. While some deaths make headlines, most are personal tragedies suffered within families and communities. Worse, these killings are done one person at a time, so as not to raise alarm. While it is much more difficult to justify killing many people at once, in dramatic fashion, the result is the same-genocide. Taking on such high-profile cases as Trayvon Martin, Michael Brown, and a host of others, Crump witnessed the disparities within the American legal system firsthand and learned it is dangerous to be a black man in America-and that the justice system indeed only protects wealthy white men. In this enlightening and enthralling work, he shows that there is a persistent, prevailing, and destructive mindset regarding colored people that is rooted in our history as a slaveowning nation. This biased attitude has given rise to mass incarceration, voter disenfranchisement, unequal educational opportunities, disparate health care practices, job and housing discrimination, police brutality, and an unequal justice system. And all mask the silent and ongoing systematic killing of people of color. Open Season is more than Crump's incredible mission to preserve justice, it is a call to action for Americans to begin living up to the promise to protect the rights of its citizens equally and without question.
"Religion and Social Justice for Immigrants captures the fascinating diversity of faith-based resistance around U.S. immigration issues. While much attention is given to the destructive aspects of fundamentalism, this book reveals that other religious groups are working constructively and tenaciously for the rights of those who are marginalized and mistreated."-Sharon Erickson Nepstad, author of Convictions of the Soul: Religion, Culture, and Agency in the Central America Solidarity Movement "This timely volume is the first social science analysis to focus on the influence of religion on social justice issues for immigrants."-Helen Rose Ebaugh, coauthor of Religion and the New Immigrants Religion has jumped into the sphere of global and domestic politics in ways that few would have imagined a century ago. Some expected that religion would die as modernity flourished. Instead, it now stares at us almost daily from the front pages of newspapers and television broadcasts. Although it is usually stories about the Christian Right or conservative Islam that grab headlines, there are many religious activists of other political persuasions that are working quietly for social justice. This book examines how religious immigrants and religious activists are working for equitable treatment for immigrants in the United States. The essays in this book analyze the different ways in which organized religion provides immigrants with an arena for mobilization, civic participation, and solidarity. Contributors explore topics including how non-Western religious groups such as the Vietnamese Caodai are striving for community recognition and addressing problems such as racism, economic issues, and the politics of diaspora; how interfaith groups organize religious people into immigrant civil rights activists at the U.S.-Mexican border; and how Catholic groups advocate governmental legislation and policies on behalf of refugees. Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo is a professor in the department of sociology at the University of Southern California in Los Angeles.
Co-production occurs when citizens actively participate in the design and delivery of public services. The concept and its practice are of increasing interest among policymakers, public service managers and academics alike, with co-production often being described as a revolutionary solution to public service reform. Public Service Management and Asylum: Co-production, Inclusion and Citizenship offers a comprehensive exploration of co-production from the public administration and service management perspectives. In doing so, it discusses the importance of both streams of literature in providing a holistic understanding of the concept, and based on this integration, it offers a model which differentiates co-production on five levels. The first three refer to the role of the public service user in the design and delivery of services (co-construction, participative co-production and co-design) and the other two focus on inter-organisational relationships (co-management and co-governance). This model is applied to the case of asylum seekers in receipt of social welfare benefits in Scotland to explore the implications for social inclusion and citizenship. It argues that as public service users, asylum seekers will always play an active role in the process of service production and while co-production does not provide asylum seekers with legal citizenship status, if offers an opportunity for asylum seekers to act like citizens and supports their inclusion into society. It will be of interest to researchers, academics, policymakers, public services managers, and students in the fields of public management, public administration, organizational studies.
In the months leading up to the 2016 presidential election, liberal outcry over ethnonationalist views promoted a vision of America as a nation of immigrants. Given the pervasiveness of this rhetoric, it can be easy to overlook the fact that the immigrant rights movement began in the US relatively recently. This book tells the story of its grassroots origins, through its meteoric rise to the national stage. Starting in the 1990s, the immigrant rights movement slowly cohered over the demand for comprehensive federal reform of immigration policy. Activists called for a new framework of citizenship, arguing that immigrants deserved legal status based on their strong affiliation with American values. During the Obama administration, leaders were granted unprecedented political access and millions of dollars in support. The national spotlight, however, came with unforeseen pressures-growing inequalities between factions and restrictions on challenging mainstream views. Such tradeoffs eventually shattered the united front. The Immigrant Rights Movement tells the story of a vibrant movement to change the meaning of national citizenship, that ultimately became enmeshed in the system that it sought to transform.
Non-territorial autonomy (NTA) is a statecraft tool that is increasingly gaining importance in societies seeking to accommodate demands by ethno-cultural groups for a voice in cultural affairs important to the protection and preservation of their identity, such as language, education, and religion. As states recognize the specific rights of identity minorities in multicultural and multi-ethnic societies, they are faced with a need to improve their diversity management regimes. NTA offers policy-makers a range of options for institutional design adaptable to specific circumstances and historical legacies. It devolves degrees of power through legal frameworks and institutions in specific areas of ethno-cultural life, while maintaining social unity at the core level of society. Throughout Europe and North America, NTA exists and is implemented at a state, regional, and local level. Much has been written about the concept of autonomy and its usage as a statecraft tool in states facing regional division, but little literature addresses its non-territorial institutional and public administration functions. This edited volume seeks to fill this gap. Managing Diversity through Non-Territorial Autonomy: Assessing Advantages, Deficiencies, and Risks, carves a space for contextual knowledge production on NTA in law, as well as social and political sciences. Contextual knowledge involves a description of institutions and their functionality as well as of the institutional and legal frames protecting these. What are the institutions, bodies, and functions that ethno-cultural groups can draw on when seeking to have a voice over their own affairs, as well as over issues in society related to their identity production? How are these entities incorporated and empowered to have a voice? What degree of voice do they have, and how are they designed to project this voice? Thus, contextual knowledge also involves critical assessment and risk analysis as well as penetrating insights as to the unintended consequences and hidden agendas that may inform NTA policies. This volume is to provide both policy-makers and ethno-cultural groups with a tool-kit that promotes social cohesion while respecting diversity. This is the first volume in a series of five which will examine the protection and representation of minorities through non-territorial means.
"Alien" has a double meaning in the United States, suggesting both
"foreigner" and "extraterrestrial creature." In Alienhood,
Katarzyna Marciniak explores this semantic duality. Interrogating
the dominant images of aliens in American popular culture--and in
legal, historical, linguistic, and literary discourses--Marciniak
examines "alienhood" and the impact it has on the daily experiences
of migrants, legal or illegal.
Using the comparative historical method, this book looks at the experience of indigenous peoples, specifically the Native Hawaiians, showing how a nation can express culture and citizenship while seeking ways to attain greater sovereignty over territory, culture, and politics.
The past decade has seen an explosion of interest in civics and citizenship education. There have been unprecedented developments in citizenship education taking place in schools, adult education centers, or in the less formally structured spaces of media images and commentary around the world. This book provides an overview of the development of civics and citizenship education policy across a range of nation states. The contributors, all widely respected scholars in the field of civics and citizenship education, provide a thorough understanding of the different ways in which citizenship has been taken up by educators, governments and the wider public. Citizenship is never a single given, unproblematic concept, but rather its meanings have to be worked through and developed in terms of the particularities of socio-political location and history. This volume promotes a wider and more grounded understanding of the ways in which citizenship education is enacted across different nation states in order to develop education for active and participatory citizenry in both local and global contexts.
Rather than considering political discussions and rhetoric as symbolic, inconsequential forms of politics, Governing with Words conceptualizes them as forms of government action that can shape institutions and societal norms. Daniel Q. Gillion refers to this theory as 'discursive governance'. Federal politicians' statements about racial and ethnic minority concerns aid the passage of minority public policies and improve individual lifestyle behaviors. Unfortunately, most of the American public continues to disapprove of politicians' rhetoric that highlights race. The book argues that addressing racial and ethnic inequality continues to be a tug-of-war between avoiding the backlash of the majority in this nation while advocating for minority interests. Even though this paradox looms over politicians' discussions of race, race-conscious political speech, viewed in its entirety, is the mechanism by which marginalized groups find a place in the democratic process. Such race-conscious discussions, the book argues, have ramifications both within and outside of government.
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