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The role of regions in the European Union has been frequently debated since the 1980s. This comprehensive book provides a thorough overview of the issue from a variety of perspectives, analysing regional governance and territorial dynamics in the EU and its member states. Focusing on the implications of the democratisation-regionalisation nexus, it argues that a 'Europe with the regions' may promote good governance and ameliorate the democratic deficits of the EU. The book's contributions offer a multidisciplinary approach to the study of governance in the EU and highlight the significance of regions and regionalisation for the EU's future. Through a combination of empirical, conceptual, theoretical and normative approaches, chapters address both intra-state and transnational developments to provide a fresh and exciting addition to the literature on new regionalism and democratic theory. Favouring a modest notion of a 'Europe with the regions' rather than the dominant maximalist vision, it embeds these developments in the ongoing debate about the future of the EU. Students and academics exploring regional governance and the EU will find this book's unique conclusions and crucial insights of great value. The book's distinct perspective on European governance will also be of benefit to policy-makers and EU think-tanks.
Recapturing Democracy is a short yet synoptic introduction to urban democracy in our era of political neoliberalism and economic globalization. Combining an original argument with a number of case studies, Mark Purcell explores the condition of democracy in contemporary Western cities. Whereas many scholars focus on what Purcell calls "procedural democracy" - i.e., electoral politics and access to it - he instead assesses "substantive democracy." By this he means the people's ability to have some say over issues of social justice, material well being, and economic equality. Neoliberalism, which advocates a diminished role for the state and increasing power for mobile capital, has diminished substantive democracy in recent times, he argues. He looks at case studies where this has occurred and at others that show how neoliberalism can be resisted in the name of substantive democracy. Ultimately, he utilizes Henri Lefebvre's notion of "the right to the city,"which encompasses substantive as well as procedural democracy for ordinary urban citizens.
"If you are tired of being asphyxiated by sanctimonious invocations of 'empowerment' and 'stakeholding, ' then you will enjoy this provocative new study by Mark Purcell. With admirable clarity, he exposes the screaming contradictions between neoliberalism's rhetoric and reality, as well as pointing out the brave (if meager) seeds of authentic democracy in our public life." - Mike Davis, University of California-Irvine
"Mark Purcell's illuminating book reveals how neoliberalism is transforming and corrupting urban spaces today. And for this illness he prescribes democracy as cure, both analyzing what democracy can mean today anddemonstrating how people are already constructing democratic attitudes and democratizing movements in our cities to combat neoliberalism." - Michael Hardt, Duke University
As recently as the mid-2000s, Catalonia was described and analysed by scholars as exhibiting a non-secessionist nationalism and was seen within Europe and beyond as a role model for successful devolution which had much to teach other parts of the world. The Spanish state seemed to be on a journey towards an authentic federal order and was generally admired. However, the new century has been marked by an ever-growing independence movement, with 47.8 per cent of Catalonia voting in favour of independence in September 2015. Pro-independence mobilization has produced a rupture in political relations with the rest of Spain leading to a sovereignty struggle with Madrid. This book explores how an accumulation of long-, medium- and short-term factors have produced the current situation and why the Spanish territorial model has been unable or possibly, unwilling, to respond. The Catalan question is not purely a Spanish problem: it has direct implications for the traditional nation-state model, in Europe and beyond.
A readable and thought-provoking textbook, which clearly explains the politics and character of California's governmental institutions and the dynamics affecting the lives of Californians. In addition to thorough coverage of California's constitution and development, this book also examines each branch of government as well as local systems. Exploring the nature of public opinion, parties, and campaigns, the author seek to show the effects that the state's diverse population has on all levels of politics and government.
This new study examines the relationship between two key issues in
the on-going debate on urban governance- leadership and community
The British polity has undergone a fundamental transformation in the last decade, and in 1998 this culminated in the most radical reform of the British state since its inception in 1707. Since 1998 devolution for Scotland and Wales and power sharing in Northern Ireland have fundamentally changed the balance of power between government at the centre and the new territorial polities.
Taking this profound change as its theme, "Devolution in British Politics" is an up-to date, comprehensive and effective review of the origins and development of the devolution process. In highly readable chapters crucial aspects of devolution are considered, and the process of constitutional change and its political and institutional consequences are the principal focus of enquiry by the contributors.
With clarity and passion, "Devolution in British Politics" examines the forces at work, both historical and contemporary, that are changing the British polity. It accounts for the emergence of the cultural and political movements in the Aother nationsA that since the 1960s have demanded significant devolution of power from Whitehall and challenged the control by Westminster parties and political elites over territorial politics. "Devolution" traces the residual legacy of deep-seated cultural differences and persistent territorial interests that gave rise during the nineteenth century to political resistance to government from London, even to the idea of shared nationhood.
The lasting effects of slavery on contemporary political attitudes in the American South Despite dramatic social transformations in the United States during the last 150 years, the South has remained staunchly conservative. Southerners are more likely to support Republican candidates, gun rights, and the death penalty, and southern whites harbor higher levels of racial resentment than whites in other parts of the country. Why haven't these sentiments evolved or changed? Deep Roots shows that the entrenched political and racial views of contemporary white southerners are a direct consequence of the region's slaveholding history, which continues to shape economic, political, and social spheres. Today, southern whites who live in areas once reliant on slavery-compared to areas that were not-are more racially hostile and less amenable to policies that could promote black progress. Highlighting the connection between historical institutions and contemporary political attitudes, the authors explore the period following the Civil War when elite whites in former bastions of slavery had political and economic incentives to encourage the development of anti-black laws and practices. Deep Roots shows that these forces created a local political culture steeped in racial prejudice, and that these viewpoints have been passed down over generations, from parents to children and via communities, through a process called behavioral path dependence. While legislation such as the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act made huge strides in increasing economic opportunity and reducing educational disparities, southern slavery has had a profound, lasting, and self-reinforcing influence on regional and national politics that can still be felt today. A groundbreaking look at the ways institutions of the past continue to sway attitudes of the present, Deep Roots demonstrates how social beliefs persist long after the formal policies that created those beliefs have been eradicated.
2015 sees the fiftieth anniversary of the London boroughs, the thirty-two subdivisions of Greater London laid out to facilitate public services. Professor Tony Travers provides some explanatory history as to why London's government is so fragmented, along with a section on each borough. London's Boroughs at 50 includes an analysis of how London has changed from 1965 to 2015, going from 'swinging' London to 'global' London. Along the way, it looks at some of the personalities who have led London's boroughs or had an impact upon them, including Ted Knight, Ken Livingstone, Dame Shirley Porter and, of course, Boris Johnson.
World population and the number of city dwellers are steadily growing. Globalization and digitalization lead to an increased competition for skilled and creative labor and other economic resources. This is true not only for firms, but increasingly also for cities. The book elaborates on resulting challenges and opportunities for urban management from the European perspective, and discusses theories, methods and tools from business economics to cope with them. Contributions in this volume come from scholars and practitioners of economics, business administration and urban management, and cover aspects ranging from urban dynamics to city marketing. They draw on experiences from several European cities and regions, and discuss strategies to improve city performance including Open Government, Smart City, cooperation and innovation. The book project was initiated and carried out by the Center for Advanced Studies in Management (CASiM), the interdisciplinary research center of HHL Leipzig Graduate School of Management. It is addressed to scholars and managers in Europe and beyond, who will benefit from the scientific rigor and useful practical insights of the book.
The Left the City explores examples of the left in local and state government from across the continent, from Mexico to Uruguay, and examines its successes and failures in government.
American democratic ideals, civic republicanism, public morality, and Christianity were the dominant forces at work during South Dakota's formative decade.
In our cynical age, such a claim seems either remarkably naive or hopelessly outdated. Territorial politics in the late-nineteenth-century West is typically viewed as a closed-door game of unprincipled opportunism or is caricatured, as in the classic film "The Man Who Shot Liberty Valance, " as a drunken exercise in bombast and rascality.
Now Jon K. Lauck examines anew the values we like to think were at work during the founding of our western states. Taking Dakota Territory as a laboratory for examining a formative stage of western politics, Lauck finds that settlers from New England and the Midwest brought democratic practices and republican values to the northern plains and invoked them as guiding principles in the drive for South Dakota statehood.
"Prairie Republic" corrects an overemphasis on class conflict and economic determinism, factors posited decades ago by such historians as Howard R. Lamar. Instead, Lauck finds South Dakota's political founders to be agents of Protestant Christianity and of civic republicanism--an age-old ideology that entrusted the polity to independent, landowning citizens who placed the common interest above private interest. Focusing on the political culture widely shared among settlers attracted to the Great Dakota Boom of the 1880s, Lauck shows how they embraced civic virtue, broad political participation, and agrarian ideals. Family was central in their lives, as were common-school education, work, and Christian community.
In rescuing the story of Dakota's settlers from historical obscurity, "Prairie Republic" dissents from the recent darker portrayal of western history and expands our view and understanding of the American democratic tradition.
Local government is the hidden leviathan of American politics: it accounts for nearly a tenth of gross domestic product, it collects nearly as much in taxes as the federal government, and its decisions have an enormous impact on Americans' daily lives. Yet political scientists have few explanations for how people vote in local elections, particularly in the smaller cities, towns, and suburbs where most Americans live. Drawing on a wide variety of data sources and case studies, this book offers the first comprehensive analysis of electoral politics in America's municipalities.
Arguing that current explanations of voting behavior are ill suited for most local contests, Eric Oliver puts forward a new theory that highlights the crucial differences between local, state, and national democracies. Being small in size, limited in power, and largely unbiased in distributing their resources, local governments are "managerial democracies" with a distinct style of electoral politics. Instead of hinging on the partisanship, ideology, and group appeals that define national and state elections, local elections are based on the custodial performance of civic-oriented leaders and on their personal connections to voters with similarly deep community ties. Explaining not only the dynamics of local elections, Oliver's findings also upend many long-held assumptions about community power and local governance, including the importance of voter turnout and the possibilities for grassroots political change.
Fiscal federalism is characterized by an inherent inefficiency which has increasingly surfaced in the last two decades: the soft budget constraint. As evidence shows, sub-national governments can expect to be bailed out by the central government in cases of fiscal distress. How can this "federal disease" be overcome? How can bailout expectations be reduced? And what are the lessons to be learned for fiscal governance? This dissertation contributes to the research on fiscal federalism in Germany, explaining sub-national bailout expectations and proposing agency cost-efficient solutions for fiscal governance, both from the perspective of public choice and new institutional economics. Dissertation.
Though remembered largely by history as Andrew Jackson's nephew, Andrew Jackson Donelson was himself a significant figure in nineteenth-century America: a politician, planter, diplomat, newspaper editor, and vice-presidential candidate. His relationship with his uncle and mentor defined his life, as he struggled to find the political and personal success that he wanted and his uncle thought he deserved. In Old Hickory's Nephew, the first definitive biography of this enigmatic man, Mark R. Cheathem explores both Donelson's political contributions and his complex, tumultuous, and often-overlooked relationship with Andrew Jackson.
Born in Sumner County, Tennessee, in 1799, Donelson lost his father only five years later. Andrew Jackson soon became a force in his nephew's life, seeing in his namesake his political prot?g?. Jackson went so far as to predict that Donelson would one day become president. After attending West Point, Donelson helped establish the Jacksonian wing of the Democratic party and edited a national Democratic newspaper. As a diplomat, he helped bring about the annexation of Texas and, following in his uncle's footsteps, he became the owner of several plantations. On the surface, Donelson was a political and personal success.
But few lives are so straightforward. The strong relationship between the uncle and nephew -- defined by the concept of honor that suffused the southern society in which they lived -- quickly frayed when Donelson and his wife defied his uncle during the infamous Peggy Eaton sex scandal of Jackson's first presidential administration. This resulted, Cheathem shows, in a tense relationship, full of distrust and suspicion, between Donelson and Jackson that lasted until the "Hero of New Orleans" died in 1845. Donelson later left the Democratic party in a tiff and joined the American, or Know Nothing, party, which selected him as Millard Fillmore's running mate in 1856. Though Donelson tried to establish himself as his uncle's political successor and legator, his friends and foes alike accused him of trading on his uncle's name to gain political and financial success.
The life of Andrew Jackson Donelson illuminates the expectations placed upon young southern men of prominent families as well as the complexities and contradictions in their lives. In this biography, Cheathem awakens interest in a nearly forgotten but nonetheless intriguing figure in American history.
Who governs? And why? How do they govern? These remain vital questions in the politics of our small cities and towns. In this new book, author Daniel Bliss takes issue with those who believe that small towns and cities are fatally vulnerable to the pressures of a global economy. Based on in-depth analyses of small town America, this book demonstrates how political agency can address and solve real problems affecting US towns, including capital flight, industrial closures, and job losses. Bliss illustrates how small localities exercise choices - such as nurturing local businesses and developing infrastructure rather than engaging in a "race to the bottom," heavily mortgaging tax revenues to attract large box retailers and small box call centers while passively watching more productive firms and better-paying jobs slip away. Taking careful account of comparative literature as well as variations in city governments, their planning agencies, and their relations with state authorities, this book explores the ways in which local politicians and public planning bodies can mobilize local constituencies to weather global challenges and common structural problems such as unfavorable demographics, skill shortages and out-migration. Economic Development and Governance in Small Town America holds out the promise of meaningful democratic change even in unfavorable political and economic circumstances.
This book provides readers with accessible and thought-provoking commentary, teamed with newspaper accounts and personal anecdotes. The book is amply embellished with photographs, newspaper clippings and excerpts from municipal resolutions. In 1905 the local governments of BC realised a long-held goal of building an organisation to provide a unified voice for local governments -- the Union of British Columbia Municipalities. UBCM, which continues to serve as the voice for local governments, commemorates their achievements in this book. It is compiled, researched and written by a team at UBCM, chiefly Yale graduate and planner Harmony Folz, along with former CBC writer and broadcaster Wendy Bancroft.
Speaking of cabinet appointments he'd made as governor, presidential candidate Mitt Romney famously spoke of having "whole binders full of women" to consider. The line was much mocked; and yet, Kaitlin Sidorsky suggests, it raises a point long overlooked in discussions of the gender gap in politics: many more women are appointed, rather than elected, to political office. Analyzing an original survey of political appointments at all levels of state government, All Roads Lead to Power offers an expanded, more nuanced view of women in politics. This book also questions the manner in which political ambition, particularly among women, is typically studied and understood. In a deep comparative analysis of appointed and elected state positions, All Roads Lead to Power highlights how the differences between being appointed or elected explain why so many more women serve in appointed offices. These women, Sidorsky finds, are not always victims of a much-cited lack of self-confidence or ambition, or of a biased political sphere. More often, they make a conscious decision to enter politics through what they believe is a far less partisan and negative entry point. Furthermore, Sidorsky's research reveals that many women end up in political appointments-at all levels-not because they are ambitious to hold public office, but because the work connects with their personal lives or careers. With its groundbreaking research and insights into the ambitions, recruitment, and motivations of appointed officials, Sidorsky's work broadens our conception of political representation and alters our understanding of how and why women pursue and achieve political power.
Much research has highlighted that sub-state entities (SSEs) - such as the German Lander, the Spanish autonomous communities, or the French regions - mobilise at the European level. This literature, however, is silent on how this sub-state activity interacts with that of its own member state. Do SSEs lobby in Brussels with their member state (cooperation), without their member state (non-interaction), or against their member state (conflict)? This book fills the current research gap by identifying what pattern of interaction between state and sub-state EU interest representation corresponds to, and by identifying what the determinants of such a pattern are. To achieve this, both quantitative and qualitative methods are employed. The quantitative section consists of regression analysis on data collected through a survey addressed to heads of regional offices in Brussels, and highlights that cooperation is the most frequent outcome, followed by non-interaction. Conflicting interest representation is the least frequent outcome. Further analysis reveals that devolution levels do not affect conflict but increase the frequency of cooperation and decrease that of non-interaction. Meanwhile, party political incongruence fails to affect conflict, decreases cooperation, and increases non-interaction. This quantitative work is complemented by a series of in-depth case study analyses of Scotland (UK), Salzburg (Austria), Rhone-Alpes and Alsace (both France). Based on over a hundred semi-structured interviews, the case studies, along with additional statistical testing, confirm the overall findings reached through quantitative means and further suggest that the effect of devolution overrides that of party political incongruence. Transformations in Governance is a major new academic book series from Oxford University Press. It is designed to accommodate the impressive growth of research in comparative politics, international relations, public policy, federalism, environmental and urban studies concerned with the dispersion of authority from central states up to supranational institutions, down to subnational governments, and side-ways to public-private networks. It brings together work that significantly advances our understanding of the organization, causes, and consequences of multilevel and complex governance. The series is selective, containing annually a small number of books of exceptionally high quality by leading and emerging scholars. The series targets mainly single-authored or co-authored work, but it is pluralistic in terms of disciplinary specialization, research design, method, and geographical scope. Case studies as well as comparative studies, historical as well as contemporary studies, and studies with a national, regional, or international focus are all central to its aims. Authors use qualitative, quantitative, formal modeling, or mixed methods. A trade mark of the books is that they combine scholarly rigour with readable prose and an attractive production style. The series is edited by Liesbet Hooghe and Gary Marks of the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, and the VU Amsterdam, and Walter Mattli of the University of Oxford.
During the 1990s, the Republican party surged to majority status in the South after two decades of struggling unevenly to become established in the formerly one-party Democratic section of the country. In this comprehensive, up-to-date study, seasoned observers tell the fascinating story of the GOP's remarkable advance at the regional level and in each of the eleven states of the former Confederacy, effectively capturing the current partisan dynamics at work throughout Dixie.
In Southern Politics in the 1990s eleven teams of political scientists and journalists -- all of them long-time observers of the political scene in their own states -- offer individual chapters that closely examine partisan and electoral developments in each southern state. Alexander P. Lamis frames the state discussions with introductory and concluding chapters that highlight the evolution of the two-party South and the political transformation the region as a whole underwent during the decade of the 1990s.
Together, the authors show that the amazing Republican spurt was fueled by many factors, including the ongoing entrenchment of the partisan competition begun three decades earlier; the national Republican sweep of 1994 that affected all regions of the country equally; and the successful efforts of Republicans to paint the Democrats as hopelessly mired in a corrupt political system and themselves as untainted reformers who represent the future.
However, as the separate state chapters illustrate, the pace of change differed from state to state. For example, South Carolina was an early Dixie leader in the GOP's growth in the 1990s, but Arkansas caught the wave only in the middle of the decade.
Offeringin-depth political analysis on both the state and the regional level, Southern Politics in the 1990s reveals that the 1990s revolution in southern politics gave the country, for the first time since the 1850s, a truly national party system. The book will prove essential to anyone interested in southern politics at the dawn of the twenty-first century.
Drawing on his broad knowledge of medieval and early modern German history, Peter Blickle demonstrates that Germany was one of Europe's most intensive areas of local self-governance from 1300 to 1800. Arguing against the traditional image of a passive lower class, Blickle shows that the peasantry actively participated in a continuous struggle for political autonomy.
In German cities and villages from the fourteenth century on, burghers and peasants commonly established their own political institutions characterized by elected magistrates, a responsibility to householders, and a belief in the common people's fight to resist unjust authority. Urban and rural revolts unparalleled in other European nations were common in early modem Germany when peasants felt their fights had been violated. Blickle argues that only in the eighteenth century -- and then under the strong influence of foreign conceptions of absolutist rule -- did the term "subject" begin to assume the negative meaning it has had since the Enlightenment.
Obedient Germans? A Rebuttal presents a radically revisionist view of German history that explains how deeply rooted cultural beliefs in a communal political system could eventually be pushed aside authoritarian, centralist practice.
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