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In 1970, four racially moderate Democrats won governors' seats in the American South -- Dale Bumpers in Arkansas, Reubin Askew in Florida, John West in South Carolina, and Jimmy Carter in Georgia. In Mighty Peculiar Elections, Randy Sanders explores these campaigns and shows that while each reflected aspects of its state's unique history and political idiosyncrasies, taken together, they signaled changes in attitudes and the politics of race in the South as well as the nation as a whole.
Most southerners by 1970 had come to realize the futility of overt opposition to federal civil rights policies and no longer wanted to hear political candidates singing the refrains of white supremacy. Bumpers won Arkansas's Democratic primary over former Governor Orval Faubus, who had symbolized southern intransigence since 1957, when he ordered the state militia to prevent school integration at Central High School in Little Rock. Askew defeated Florida's Republican incumbent governor, Claude Kirk, who seized a school district during the campaign in order to thwart a court-ordered school desegregation plan. Similarly, West ran against Republican Albert Watson, who spewed fiery anti-integration rhetoric, and Carter succeeded Lester Maddox, who had established and maintained his hard-line segregationist reputation by autographing ax handles, mementos of the weapon he used years earlier to prevent blacks from entering his restaurant. None of the victors in 1970 talked much about civil rights during their campaigns; they all downplayed, evaded, or finessed racial issues when those topics arose.
Sanders describes how the successful candidates carefully shaped their campaigns, rejecting the rhetoric of resistance without uttering strong words in favor of desegregation. A shared campaign strategy of "new populism" emerged among these candidates -- a strategy that promoted the interests of common folk, but relied primarily on image and style rather than issues to attract support. The candidates also perceived the diminishing power of party loyalty, political machines, and power brokers that controlled large groups of voters, and began to appeal directly to the electorate through television, employing effective strategies that emphasized their best qualities. The cool images of reasoned calm played well on television and prevailed over the hot pictures of frenzied defiance.
Using archival materials, media records, personal papers, and interviews, Sanders shows that although these elections did not mark a total transformation of southern politics, they did suggest a subtle shift in the balance of power away from those who continued to roar the rhetoric of racism and resistance towards those who espoused a more moderate position. By focusing on one moment in a period of great political change, Mighty Peculiar Elections shines a spotlight on the evolving racial attitudes of the New South.
This volume sheds light on the development of squatting practices and movements in nine European cities (Madrid, Barcelona, Seville, Rome, Paris, Berlin, Copenhagen, Rotterdam and Brighton) by examining the numbers, variations and significant contexts in their life course. It reveals how and why squatting practices have shifted and to what extent they engender urban movements. The book measures the volume and changes in squatting over various decades, mostly by focusing on Squatted Social Centres but also including squatted housing. In addition, it systematically compares the cycles, socio-spatial structures and the political implications of squatting in selected cities. This collection highlights how squatters' movements have persisted over more than four decades through different trajectories and circumstances, especially in relation to broader protest cycles and reveals how political opportunities and constraints influence the conflicts around the legalisation of squats. p>
What drug provides Americans with the greatest pleasure and the greatest pain? The answer, hands down, is alcohol. The pain comes not only from drunk driving and lost lives but also addiction, family strife, crime, violence, poor health, and squandered human potential. Young and old, drinkers and abstainers alike, all are affected. Every American is paying for alcohol abuse. Paying the Tab, the first comprehensive analysis of this complex policy issue, calls for broadening our approach to curbing destructive drinking. Over the last few decades, efforts to reduce the societal costs--curbing youth drinking and cracking down on drunk driving--have been somewhat effective, but woefully incomplete. In fact, American policymakers have ignored the influence of the supply side of the equation. Beer and liquor are far cheaper and more readily available today than in the 1950s and 1960s. Philip Cook's well-researched and engaging account chronicles the history of our attempts to "legislate morality," the overlooked lessons from Prohibition, and the rise of Alcoholics Anonymous. He provides a thorough account of the scientific evidence that has accumulated over the last twenty-five years of economic and public-health research, which demonstrates that higher alcohol excise taxes and other supply restrictions are effective and underutilized policy tools that can cut abuse while preserving the pleasures of moderate consumption. Paying the Tab makes a powerful case for a policy course correction. Alcohol is too cheap, and it's costing all of us.
Here is the most thorough study to date on the impact of Ronald Reagan's policies on the states, especially the outcomes of his well-known budget cuts. A treasure trove of information that will be essential for interpretations of the Reagan presidency. Originally published in 1987. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
This new edition has been extensively updated to reflect developments in Georgia politics and government since 2007 - a decade that has seen three presidential election cycles, two midterm elections, and a census. Updates reflect not only changes in how Georgia is governed but also the economic and social trends helping to drive those changes. These include the continued growth and dispersal of Hispanic and Asian populations; the decline, by a variety of measures, of rural areas; and the moderating effect of probusiness government factions on social conservative agendas. This edition maintains the book's comparative approach, which examines the state from three revealing perspectives. This allows readers to determine the extent to which Georgia is similar to its peers on such topics as the length and features of the constitution, the organization of the state government, and the nature of policies. All this allows students and scholars to have a better understanding of the political and economic dynamics of Georgia and the relationship of those dynamics to national political and economic developments. The result is a thorough, up-to-date resource on Georgia's dynamic political system.
India is in an era of coalition politics in which state politics plays a major role. This compact book breaks new ground in empirical discoveries about the basis of stable coalitions in Indian states, and also theorises the viability of multi-party coalition governments at the national level in comparative perspective, and examines the dynamics of competition and coalition formation. It consists of two chapters on national-level coalitions and five chapters on states that have had significant experience of coalition politics - West Bengal, Kerala, Punjab, Maharashtra and Bihar. All chapters are based on extensive data collection and interview-based fieldwork with political actors. The key findings are summarised in the concluding chapter, that is, there is a clear pattern across states to the stability of coalitions at the state level over time, and consists of two central factors - stable pre-electoral seat-sharing and portfolio-sharing arrangements.
Why are some states able to deliver public services to their citizens while others cannot? Why are some states beset by internal conflict that leaves many impoverished? Much of what has become known as the failed states literature attempts to engage with these questions, but does so in way that betrays a particular bias, engaging in advocacy for intervention rather than analysis. The Idea of Failed States directly challenges existing thinking about conventional state strength as it finds that institutional approaches to state strength obscure as much as they reveal. The question of why some states are strong and others weak has traditionally been addressed using measures of economic growth, resources, and quality of life. This book compares the dimensions of state strength characterised by community, society, and nation and uses social capital concepts to further illuminate them. Applying this approach across forty-two countries shows 'weak' states exhibiting a consistent and unique patterns of relationships between community, society, and nation as well as equally consistent and unique relationships in strong states. A blend of theory and empirics, The Idea of Failed States present a new way to think about the state - one that applies to both strong and weak alike. This work should be of interest to students and scholars researching social capital, public policy, international development and security studies.
This book fills an important gap in our understanding of Scottish local government in the dynamic new context of the Scottish Parliament. It provides academics, students, practitioners, journalists and others with a broad-ranging yet detailed account, not just of how local government actually works, but also the main political issues and debates surrounding its multi-faceted roles in contemporary Scotland. It covers issues such as: *The nature and purpose of Scottish local government *The strengths and weaknesses of unitary authorities *Modernisation of political management arrangements *Roles and remuneration for councillors *Electoral reform and new methods for encouraging citizen participation *The growth of non-elected local governance *Best Value and the rise of the performance culture *The politics of council finance: including business rates, Council Tax and PFI *The wider context of central-local relations, multi-level governance and globalization The book contains a wealth of facts, figures, tables and diagrams. The accompanying analysis draws, in a supportive way, on literature from the traditions of public policy, public administration and political science. The end result is an original, modern, accessible analysis of Scottish local government in the context of devolution. A particular focus throughout is assessing the 'distinctiveness' of Scottish local government compared to the rest of the UK, and addressing the question -- to what extent has devolution made a difference to Scottish local government? Key Features: * Only modern work of its kind - fills a gap in our understanding of local government in Scotland * Accessible - offers the facts of how Scottish local government works, combined with incisive political analysis * Places Scottish local government in the context of the Scottish Parliament, Westminster, the EU and an increasingly globalised world
A well written and valuable study [which] does much to get behind the mythology of debates about decentralisation...[It] deserves to be read by all concerned with the changing face of local politics.' - John Solomos, Political Studies;This wide-ranging book sets discussion of the various approaches to local government decentralisation in the context of the changing nature of public service management and the possibilities for new kinds of public involvement in government decision-making. It draws on a wide range of experiences throughout the UK as well as the findings of an in-depth study of the impact of radical decentralisation strategies in two inner London boroughs to provide an authoritative assessment of the politics of decentralisation.
Alabama: The Making of an American State is itself a watershed event in the long and storied history of the state of Alabama. Here, presented for the first time ever in a single, magnificently illustrated volume, Edwin C. Bridges conveys the magisterial sweep of Alabama's rich, difficult, and remarkable history with verve, eloquence, and an unblinking eye. From Alabama's earliest fossil records to its settlement by Native Americans and later by European settlers and African slaves, from its territorial birth pangs and statehood through the upheavals of the Civil War and the civil rights movement, Bridges makes evident in clear, direct storytelling the unique social, political, economic, and cultural forces that have indelibly shaped this historically rich and unique American region. Illustrated lavishly with maps, archival photographs, and archaeological artifacts, as well as art works, portraiture, and specimens of Alabama craftsmanship-many never before published-Alabama: The Making of an American State makes evident as rarely seen before Alabama's most significant struggles, conflicts, achievements, and developments. Drawn from decades of research and the deep archival holdings of the Alabama Department of Archives and History, this volume will be the definitive resource for decades to come for anyone seeking a broad understanding of Alabama's evolving legacy.
Relationships between local and central government and voluntary and community organisations have been controversial for some time; and particularly since the introduction of the 'contract culture' during the 1980s. New Labour now argues that it wishes to develop a 'partnership culture' in which the voluntary sector is a major partner. New local partnerships, or compacts, of varying kinds are now being developed across the UK, involving a range of local public agencies including councils, health bodies and Learning and Skills Councils. This report is the first national evaluation of how this new approach to partnership working is being implemented at a local level. Based on 12 detailed case studies in England, Scotland and Wales, the report describes the development of the compacts, highlights some of the major barriers to effective partnership working, and offers key lessons from their development to date. It also addresses the particular difficulties faced by marginalised groups, such as small community groups and organisations representing black and minority ethnic communities. This report is a key resource for all those concerned with effective and participative local governance, including local government officers and members, managers and staff in health organisations, and voluntary and community sector workers. It provides key arguments in favour of the development of local compacts and guidance for those wishing to engage in their development.
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