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This compelling photographic history examines the war in its entirety, from its causes and protagonists to the strategies, weapons and battles. Goldstein and Maihafer have collected more than 450 vivid photographs, many never before seen by the general public. Published on the fiftieth anniversary of the Korean conflict, "The Korean War" remembers the experience of the American fighting man in "the forgotten war."
Lala Lajpat Rai was one of the outstanding leaders of modern India, a contemporary of Dadabhai Naroji, Tilak, Gokhale and Gandhi. His public life spanned the last decade of the nineteenth century and the first three decades of the twentieth century. He practiced law at the Lahore Chief Court and built up a lucrative practice, but was drawn very early into public activities pertaining to religious, educational and social reforms and then into nationalist politics. Lajpat Rai was one of the foremost leaders of the Indian National Congress. His arrest and deportation without trial to Burma in 1907 created a great sensation in India. He spent the war years (1914-18) in the United States propagating the Indian case for self- government. He returned to India in 1920 and had the honour of presiding over the Calcutta session of the Indian National Congress which approved of Gandhis campaign for non-cooperation with the government. He was deputy leader of the Swaraj Party in the Legislative Assembly and played a prominent role in provincial as well as national politics in the 1920s. While leading a demonstration against the Simmon Commision at Lahore in 1928 he received injuries in an assault by the police which hastened his death. The sixth volume in the series of The Collected Works of Lala Lajpat Rai covers the period from August 1915 to December 1916 when the First World War was on. Lajpat Rai had arrived in the United States three months after the war broke out. Little did he know that the war would last for four years and he would not be able to return to India until 1920. While in the U.S.A., Lajpat Rai exposed the seamy side of the British rule. Through lectures, articles in newspapers, books and pamphlets he tried to enlighten the American people on the political and economic condition of India. He spoke as an Indian nationalist. His sense of history, his knowledge of international affairs and his style of presenting the nationalist case with facts and figures instantly appealed to liberal thinkers in the U.S.A. and Britain. Lajpat Rai visited Japan in the second half of 1915 and wrote a book on it which he made a telling comparison between the relative costs of administration in India, Japan and the United States.
Lala Lajpat Rai was one of the outstanding leaders of modern India, a contemporary of Dadabhai Naroji, Tilak, Gokhale and Gandhi. His public life spanned the last decade of the nineteenth century and the first three decades of the twentieth century. He practiced law at the Lahore Chief Court and built up a lucrative practice, but was drawn very early into public activities pertaining to religious, educational and social reforms and then into nationalist politics. Lajpat Rai was one of the foremost leaders of the Indian National Congress. His arrest and deportation without trial to Burma in 1907 created a great sensation in India. He spent the war years (1914-18) in the United States propagating the Indian case for self- government. He returned to India in 1920 and had the honour of presiding over the Calcutta session of the Indian National Congress which approved of Gandhis campaign for non-cooperation with the government. He was deputy leader of the Swaraj Party in the Legislative Assembly and played a prominent role in provincial as well as national politics in the 1920s. While leading a demonstration against the Simmon Commision at Lahore in 1928 he received injuries in an assault by the police which hastened his death. The fifth volume in the series of The Collected Works of Lala Lajpat Rai covers a period of twelve months. It opens in June 1914. Lajpat Rai had just arrived in London as a member of the delegation of the Indian National Congress to canvass support for an official bill in British Parliament proposing an element of election in the selection of the Indian members of the London-based Council of the Secretary of State for India. The bill was introduced in the House of Lords, put to vote, and rejected. The Congress delegation was deeply disappointed and returned to India except for Lajpat Rai who stayed on a few months. He was still in England when the First World War broke out. He decided to leave for United States where he stayed on for five years doing whatever he could to educate public opinion in that country on Indias struggle for self-government. Even though Lajpat Rai had crowded programme of lectures and tours during the year, he wrote three books. The first book was on the Arya Samaj. The second was entitled The Story of My Life. And the third was on the United States. The Story of My Life has been published in full in this volume and from the other two books extracts have been published.
Operating from a clandestine camp on an island off western North Korea, Army lieutenant Ben Malcom coordinated the intelligence activities of eleven partisan battalions, including the famous White Tigers. With Malcom's experiences as its focus, White Tigers examines all aspects of guerrilla activities in Korea. This exciting memoir makes an important contribution to the history of special operations.
Lala Lajpat Rai was one of the outstanding leaders of modern India, a contemporary of Dadabhai Naroji, Tilak, Gokhale and Gandhi. His public life spanned the last decade of the nineteenth century and the first three decades of the twentieth century. He practiced law at the Lahore Chief Court and built up a lucrative practice, but was drawn very early into public activities pertaining to religious, educational and social reforms and then into nationalist politics. Lajpat Rai was one of the foremost leaders of the Indian National Congress. His arrest and deportation without trial to Burma in 1907 created a great sensation in India. He spent the war years (1914-18) in the United States propagating the Indian case for self- government. He returned to India in 1920 and had the honour of presiding over the Calcutta session of the Indian National Congress which approved of Gandhis campaign for non-cooperation with the government. He was deputy leader of the Swaraj Party in the Legislative Assembly and played a prominent role in provincial as well as national politics in the 1920s. While leading a demonstration against the Simmon Commission at Lahore in 1928 he received injuries in an assault by the police which hastened his death. The seventh volume in the series of The Collected Works of Lala Lajpat Rai covers two years, from the beginning of 1917 to the end of 1918, when the world war was on, and Lajpat Rai remained in the United States, having arrived there in November 1914. The tar 1917 opened and closed in India with the magic slogan, Home Rule. Annie Besant founded the Home Rule League in September 1916; in April of the same year Bal Gangadhar Tilak set up Home Rule League in Poona. In 1917 Lajpat Rai established the India Home Rule League of America in New York to support the Home Rule movement back home in India and started a monthly journal, Young India. Stepping up his campaign for mobilising the support of the progressive opinion in the United States and Britain, Lajpat Rai wrote a pamphlet on Self Determination for India and a book on Englands Debt to India, a damning historical narrative of British fiscal policy in India. In a hard-hitting and closely reasoned Open Letter addressed to British Prime Minister Lloyd George, Lajpat Rai dwelt on the seamy side of British rule in India. The world, he wrote, cannot be safe for democracy unless India is self-governed.
This companion work to the Archive Editions' publication The Buraimi Memorials provides the evidence of the original historical and contemporary political files to set alongside the official government submissions of the Memorials. With one volume summarising the historical background from earlier records, key documents are assembled providing a broad perspective on events and conditions in the Buraimi Region in the post-war period. The chronological presentation of original records shows the cumulative build-up in the late 1940s and early 1950s of local incidents, tribal unrest, intrigue and political tension; including details of Saudi and British manoeuvres and diplomacy. The set is illustrated with a box of contemporary maps including Ibn Saud's map of Arabia.
Kazuko Kuramoto was born in Dairen, Manchuria, in 1927, at the peak of Japanese expansionism in Asia. Dairen and neighboring Port Arthur were important colonial outposts on the Liaotung Peninsula; the train lines established by Russia and taken over by the Japanese ended there. When Kuramoto's grandfather arrived in Dairen as a member of the Japanese police force shortly after the end of the Russo-Japanese War in 1905, the family's belief in Japanese supremacy and its "divine" mission to "save" Asia from Western imperialists was firmly in place. As a third-generation colonist, the seventeen-year-old Kuramoto readily joined the Red Cross Nurse Corps in 1944 to aid in the war effort and in her country's sacred cause. A year later, her family listened to the emperor announce in a radio broadcast "we shall have to endure the unendurable, to suffer the insufferable." Japan surrendered unconditionally. Manchurian Legacy is the story of the family's life in Dairen, their survival as a forgotten people during the battle waged by Russia to reclaim Manchuria, Nationalist China, and Communist China, and their subsequent repatriation to a devastated Japan. Kuramoto describes a culture based on the unthinking oppression of the colonized by the colonizer. And, because Manchuria was, in essence, a Japanese frontier, her family lived a freer and more luxurious life than they would have in Japan - one relatively unscathed by the war until after the surrender. As a commentator Kuramoto explores her culture both from the inside, subjectively, and from the outside, objectively. Her memoirs describe her coming of age in a colonial society, her family's experiences in war-torn Manchuria, and her "homecoming" to Japan - where she had never been - just as Japan is engaged in its own cultural upheaval.
The processes of political mobilization and identity formation in the rural regions of Bombay Presidency between 1934 and 1947 are the major focus of this work. Studying the politics of the masses, their aspirations and demands--both within the formal institutional frameworks of the colonial 'public space' as well as outside it--this book provides insights into political and social change in 20th century India. Emphasizing micro-level revolts--which, rather than subaltern militancy, express a collective endeavour by the people to solve their local problems by wresting immediate and tangible concessions--this book: - Details the multiple forms of mobilization and resistance among various groups--women, peasants, elites, lower castes and tribals. - Explores issues such as the nature of social conditions, leadership and participants; the development of mass consciousness; the moralities and methods of mobilization; and, the role of religious symbols and popular culture in such mobilizations. - Delineates various facets of peasant mobilization over 1934--47, including the peasants' response to political processes and their relationship with political associations, and the nature of agrarian conflicts as well as that of peasants' identity. - Studies both the collective action of tribals--in the form of crimes for survival, religious reform and politically motivated struggle--and Dalit mobilization around the issue of untouchability. - Contributes to the theoretical debate on nationalism and identity while critiquing the three main strands of nationalist thought as represented by Ernest Gellner, Anthony D Smith and Benedict Anderson.
The grandson of an Indian immigrant and the first Malay commoner to become prime minister of Malaysia, Mahathir Mohamad turned the Muslim-majority Southeast Asian country into one of the developing world's most successful economies. During his 22 years in power he adopted pragmatic economic policies alongside repressive political measures, and showed that Islam was compatible with representative government and modernization. Abrasive and outspoken, Mahathir emerged as a Third World champion and Islamic spokesman by condemning the West, not least for trying to impose liberal democracy and neo-liberal economics on developing nations. By raising living standards and winning international acclaim, he contributed to a sense of national identity, pride and confidence among ethnically diverse Malaysians. But in mixing business and politics, Mahathir encouraged cronyism and failed to prevent the spread of corruption. Authoritarian and impatient, he jailed opponents, sacked rivals and undermined institutions as he pursued his obsession with development. In retirement, he broke a promise to stay out of politics, falling out with his two successors while using all available means to protect his legacy.
Relations between the Choson and Qing states are often cited as the prime example of the operation of the "traditional" Chinese "tribute system." In contrast, this work contends that the motivations, tactics, and successes (and failures) of the late Qing Empire in Choson Korea mirrored those of other nineteenth-century imperialists. Between 1850 and 1910, the Qing attempted to defend its informal empire in Korea by intervening directly, not only to preserve its geopolitical position but also to promote its commercial interests. And it utilized the technology of empire--treaties, international law, the telegraph, steamships, and gunboats.
Although the transformation of Qing-Choson diplomacy was based on modern imperialism, this work argues that it is more accurate to describe the dramatic shift in relations in terms of flexible adaptation by one of the world's major empires in response to new challenges. Moreover, the new modes of Qing imperialism were a hybrid of East Asian and Western mechanisms and institutions. Through these means, the Qing Empire played a fundamental role in Korea's integration into regional and global political and economic systems.
The real reasons for the war in Iraq - control of oil pricing and policies, expansion of US power, strategic establishment of US bases in the Middle East, defense of Israel - were kept hidden from the world. Instead, justifications for the illegal war were cloaked in the high-sounding slogans of 'fighting the war on terrorism,' 'keeping nuclear weapons out of the hands of rogue states,' and finally, 'bringing democracy to the Middle East.' "Selling US Wars" is a valuable, information-filled collection of essays by renowned experts from around the world. It examines the excuses for war that were the basis for this period of the US empire drive-nuclear weapons, terrorism, 'failed states,' drugs, humanitarian intervention, and democracy - and analyzes the pretexts asserted for the US invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, as well as Washington's aggressive policies elsewhere, including in Colombia, Palestine, and Iran. It gets behind the subterfuges to expose how Washington's spin-doctors worked to present its wars as humane, lawful, and necessary to keep Americans safe - and why the campaigns sometimes succeeded. The book includes an overview of the economics of empire from Walden Bello, director of Focus on the Global South in the Philippines; a piece on the ideology of empire and the rise of the neo-conservative right-wing by legendary writer Susan George in France; an essay by Mike Marqusee in the UK on American exceptionalism and how that phenomenon helped shape US popular acceptance of these slogans; and contributions by Tariq Ali, Achin Vanaik, Phyllis Bennis, David Bewley-Taylor, David Sogge, Mariano Aguirre, Martin Jelsma, and Zia Mian.
This is the long-awaited biography of Malaysia's powerful Home Affairs Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Tun Dr Ismail Abdul Rahman, who passed away of a heart attack on 2 August 1973. It is based on his private papers and on numerous interviews with his relatives and with people who knew him well, including Ghafar Baba, Musa Hitam, Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, Robert Kuok, Lee Kuan Yew and Ghazalie Shafie. New perspectives are provided about the struggle for independence, Malaysia's relationship with Singapore, the origins of Southeast Asian regionalism, the internal conflicts of the ruling party UMNO, MCA-UMNO ties, the fatal illness of Tun Abdul Razak Hussein, the May 13 riots, and the New Economic Policy. This book contains not only new facts about Malaysian and Singaporean history, but also insights into the processes of decolonization and nation building.
Southeast Asian Affairs, of which there are now thirty-one in the series, is an annual review of significant developments and trends in the region. Though the emphasis is on ASEAN countries, developments in the broader Asia-Pacific region are not ignored. Readable and easily understood analyses are offered of major political, economic, social, and strategic developments within Southeast Asia. The contributions can be divided into two broad categories. There are those which provide an analysis of major developments during 2004 in individual Southeast Asian countries and in the region generally. Then there are the theme articles of a more specialized nature which deal with topical problems of concern. The volume contains twenty-one articles dealing with such major themes as international conflict and cooperation, political stability, and economic growth and development.
Details how Osama bin Laden and other al Qaeda fighters slipped out of Afghanistan during the battles of Tora Bora and Operation Anaconda. The author also charges that Western media outlets, eager to satisfy their audience's thirst for revenge, lost their grasp on journalistic objectivity while covering bin Laden's pursuit. Blinding patriotism and reliance on Pentagon press releases led them to portray events not reflecting reality on the ground. He contends that to satisfy the press and the public's need for vengeance, the Bush administration pushed to achieve early, highly visible successes to the detriment of long-term strategy. Impatience at the top forced a rush into a war aimed primarily at "regime change," which left the U.S. military largely empty-handed.
From one of the world's most revered historians, the first major history of contemporary Jerusalem
"Gilbert is a first-rate storyteller." —The Wall Street Journal
"Fascinating and admirably readable . . . unmatched for sheer breadth of acutely observed historical detail." —Christopher Walker, The Times (London)
"Most noteworthy for its richness of letters, journals and anecdotes . . . the major events of this century come alive in eyewitness accounts." —The New York Times Book Review
"Extraordinarily vivid glimpses of Jerusalem life." —Atlanta Journal Constitution
In 1960 millions of Japanese citizens took to the streets for months of protest against the U.S. -- Japan Security Treaty (Anpo) and its forcible ratification by the Kishi government. In the decades that followed, the Anpo era citizens' movements exerted a major influence on the organization and political philosophies of the anti - Vietnam War effort, local residents' environmental movements, alternative lifestyle groups, and consumer movements. Organizing the Spontaneous departs from previous scholarship by focusing on the significance of the Anpo protests on the citizens' drive to transform Japanese society rather than on international diplomacy. It shows that the movement against Anpo comprised diverse, at times conflicting, groups of politically conscious actors attempting to reshape the body politic.
This monograph is the first book-length study of foreign direct investment in Southeast Asia during both the late colonial period and in the contemporary period. It examines the leading Southeast Asian countries receiving foreign investment this century. The arrival of today's Asian investors, from Japan and the four Asian NICs, is described after a brief discussion of the transitionary period of warfare, decolonization and assertion of newly independent states. Special attention is given to the impact of foreign investment on the economic development of the host country.
What will the reversion of Hong Kong mean to the people of Hong Kong - and the rest of us - who invest, trade, and shop there? Over the last fifty years Hong Kong has served as a refuge from those who fled communism in China. It became the greatest entrepot and financial center on the Asian mainland. A stunning percentage of the world's trade passed through its magnificent harbor. The focus of this book is on the impact Chinese control is likely to have on the city's role in the international economic system, and how the business community will be affected. Issues of trade and finance, of political economy, and concerns about Chinese respect for the rule of law predominate. The result is a balanced analysis of a sensitive subject: the prospects for Hong Kong's continued success and freedom.
Zhang Shenfu, a founder of the Chinese Communist party, participated in all the major political events in China for four decades following the Revolution of 1919. Yet Zhang had become a forgotten figure in China and the West--a victim of Mao's determined efforts to place himself at the center of China's revolution--until Vera Schwarcz began to meet with him in his home on Wang Fu Cang Lane in Beijing. Now Schwarcz brings Zhang to life through her poignant account of five years of conversations with him, a narrative that is interwoven with translations of his writings and testimony of his friends. Moving circuitously, Schwarcz reveals fragments of the often contradictory layers of Zhang's character: at once a champion of feminism and an ardent womanizer, a follower of Bertrand Russell who also admired Confucius, and a philosophically inclined political pragmatist. Schwarcz also meditates on the tension between historical events and personal memory, on the public amnesia enforced by governments and the "forgetfulness" of those who find rememberance too painful. Her book is not only a portrait of a remarkable personality but a corrective to received accounts and to the silences that abound in the official annals of the Chinese revolution.
An extremely solid history of Indochina in the Viet Minh War era. Essentially a diplomatic history, but one that carefully weaves in developments on the battlefield. Makes use of new knowledge and is a useful corrective to some of the earlier works on the subject by the French. Recommended. Douglas Pike, Indochina Chronology"
Brian Keenan went to Beirut in 1985 for a change of scene from his native Belfast. He became headline news when he was kidnapped by fundamentalist Shi’ite militiamen and held in the suburbs of Beirut for the next four and a half years. For much of that time he was shut off from all news and contact with anyone other than his jailers and, later, his fellow hostages, amongst them John McCarthy.
This study provides a picture of the US Army's performance during the Gulf War. It begins by chronicling the Army's regeneration in the two decades after Vietnam - the foundation of the Desert Storm victory. Each chapter starts with a personal combat story that puts the conflict into a human perspective. The book brings the civilian reader into battle alongside individual soldiers. It is a comprehensive account that allows individual conclusions, including accounts by Iraqi soldiers, about the largest armour battle since World War II.
The last years of the British Raj and the partition of India and Pakistan were defining events in twentieth century world history, the ethnic, religious, political, and military consequences of which have continued to shape today's newspaper headlines. Standard historical interpretations have, on one hand, been shaped by interviews with Lord Mountbatten, the last viceroy, and the British who were involved in the events; on the other hand, there has been a rise in new scholarship by Indians and Pakistanis that has largely corrected the "great man" interpretations that have looked exclusively at Gandhi, Nehru, and Jinnah. In this work, Stanley Wolpert narrates the last half century of the British in India, framed by the surrender of Singapore in February 1942, the partition of South Asia in 1947, and the assassination of Gandhi in January 1948. Great Britain's mid-August transfer of power to new-born Dominions of India and Pakistan was immediately followed by the withdrawal of all British forces from India. As the shield of Imperial British troops collapsed, more than ten million terrified Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs, fled from one side to the other of two new borders, ineptly drawn through the heartlands of multi-cultural Punjab and Bengal. Some one million refugees never reached their destinations. The most bitterly hard-fought legacy of Partition has been the Indo-Pak conflict over Kashmir, which has triggered at least three South Asian wars over the last half century. Wolpert's thesis is apparent from his title, drawn from Winston Churchill's judgment on Indian partition. While Wolpert does not believe the British could have ruled India indefinitely he argues that the disaster of partition was largely due to Lord Mountbatten's misguided decision to get Britain out of India as quickly as possible. This popular account of the last years of the Raj is accessible and features all the leading figures, including Winston Churchill, PM Clement Atlee, Lord Mountbatten and other viceroys, Gandhi, Nehru, Franklin Roosevelt, members of the Congress and Muslim League, as well as Sikhs, Hindus, and Muslims. This account of events will be controversial, especially among those who respect Mountbatten's actions, and among Indians and Pakistanis.
In 1990, U.S. Army Major Martin Stanton was a military advisor stationed in Saudi Arabia. Encouraged by the Army to broaden his cultural horizons, and assured by the U.S. embassy that Kuwait was perfectly safe, Stanton took off for a long weekend there. Roused by gunshots his first night in Kuwait City, Stanton looked out the window and discovered he was in the middle of a full-scale invasion.
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