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This book offers comprehensive coverage of biomarker/biosensor interactions for the rapid detection of weapons of bioterrorism, as well as current research trends and future developments and applications. It will be useful to researchers in this field who are interested in new developments in the early detection of such. The authors have collected very valuable and, in some aspects indispensable experience in the area i.e. in the development and application of portable biosensors for the detection of potential hazards. Most efforts are centered on the development of immunochemical assays including flow-lateral systems and engineered antibodies and their fragments. In addition, new approaches to the detection of enzyme inhibitors, direct enzymatic and microbial detection of metabolites and nutrients are elaborated. Some realized prototypes and concept devices applicable for the further use as a basis for the cooperation programs are also discussed.There is a particular focus on electrochemical and optical detection systems,including those employing carbon nanotubes, quantum dots and metalnanoparticles. The authors are well-known scientists and most of them are editors of respected international scientific journals. Although recently developed biosensors utilize known principles, the biosensing devices described can significantly shorten the time required for successful detection and enhance efforts in more time-consuming directions, e.g. remote sensing systems and validation in real-sample analysis.The authors describe advances in all stages of biosensor development: theselection of biochemical components, their use in biosensor assembly, detection principles and improvements and applications for real sample assays.
Anyone who wants to understand what militant Muslims think has
to understand what they read-and they read Sayyid Qutb, the
intellectual father of Islamic fundamentalism. Qutb, an Egyptian
literary critic and philosopher who was appalled by American
decadence, gained prominence in the Muslim Brotherhood, was
imprisoned by Nasser, and hanged in 1966. Through his death and
prolific writings he became a martyr for the cause of political
Islam. His work is virtually unknown outside the Muslim world, but
Qutb is at the heart of the intellectual rationale for jihad and
violence in the name of Islam.
The Sayyid Qutb Reader is the first collection of his selected works available to the general public. As such, this valuable introduction to Qutb's core intellectual ideas should be read by anyone who wants to understand one of the most important conflicts of our age.
Jihadism, Foreign Fighters and Radicalization in the EU addresses the organizational and strategic changes in terrorism in Europe as a result of urban jihadism and the influx of foreign fighters of European nationality or residence. Examining the different types of responses to the treatment of radicalization and its consequences in the recruitment of young urban fighters and jihadists, this book offers a framework for understanding the process of violent radicalization. It critically analyses political and legal responses that have taken place within the European framework, whilst also examining a series of functional responses from social and behavioural psychology. This book then goes on to develop an explanatory model from an economic standpoint, exploring the need to adapt the fight against the financing of terrorism to the changes in the sources of financing jihadist cells and foreign fighters. Furthermore, the volume draws on experience from the prison sector to assess the process of radicalization and the possibilities of intervention. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, this book will be of great interest to students of terrorism and counter-terrorism, radicalization, European politics, radical Islam and security studies.
Ever since the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, fighters from abroad have journeyed in ever-greater numbers to conflict zones in the Muslim world to defend Islam from-in their view-infidels and apostates. The phenomenon recently reached its apogee in Syria, where the foreign fighter population quickly became larger and more diverse than in any previous conflict. In Road Warriors, Daniel Byman provides a sweeping history of the jihadist foreign fighter movement. He begins by chronicling the movement's birth in Afghanistan, its growing pains in Bosnia and Chechnya, and its emergence as a major source of terrorism in the West in the 1990s, culminating in the 9/11 attacks. Since that bloody day, the foreign fighter movement has seen major ups and downs. It rode high after the 2003 US invasion of Iraq, when the ultra-violent Al Qaeda in Iraq (AQI) attracted thousands of foreign fighters. AQI overreached, however, and suffered a crushing defeat. Demonstrating the resilience of the movement, however, AQI reemerged anew during the Syrian civil war as the Islamic State, attracting tens of thousands of fighters from around the world and spawning the bloody 2015 attacks in Paris among hundreds of other strikes. Although casualty rates are usually high, the survivors of Afghanistan, Syria, and other fields of jihad often became skilled professional warriors, going from one war to the next. Still others returned to their home countries, some to peaceful retirement but a deadly few to conduct terrorist attacks. Over time, both the United States and Europe have learned to adapt. Before 9/11, volunteers went to and fro to Afghanistan and other hotspots with little interference. Today, the United States and its allies have developed a global program to identify, arrest, and kill foreign fighters. Much remains to be done, however-jihadist ideas and networks are by now deeply embedded, even as groups such as Al Qaeda and the Islamic State rise and fall. And as Byman makes abundantly clear, the problem is not likely to go away any time soon.
On July 22, 2011, a bomb went off outside government buildings in Oslo, Norway, killing eight people and injuring more than two hundred. Less than two hours later, a gunman claimed sixty-nine lives in a shooting spree at a summer camp on the island of Utoya, while terrified and desperate youths tried to hide or swim to the mainland to escape.Massacre in Norway is the first detailed, hour-by-hour account of the two sequential terrorist attacks by lone-wolf terrorist Anders Behring Breivik. To inform his literary reportage, Stian Bromark compiled interviews with survivors, police officers, government employees, boatmen rescuers, and others who experienced the attacks-the deadliest in Norway since World War II.Massacre in Norway provides crucial, in-depth context for the story including a riveting background portrait of Breivik, the right-wing extremist the police arrested, charged, and convicted of the crime, as well as a history of the Labor Party youth camp on Utoya and its significance in the country's political landscape. An epilogue covers the trial in 2012 and interviews with the survivors. Selv om sola ikke skinner (Even if the Sun Don't Shine) is the first complete, hour-by-hour account of the terror attacks of July 22, 2011 in Oslo and Utoya. Comprised of personal interviews with survivors, police officers, emergency response personnel, government employees, boatmen/rescuers, and others, it provides first-hand accounts of those directly involved and affected by the attacks of that fateful day. Massacre in Norway is literary reportage--an account of the life and background of Anders Behring Breivik before the attacks, beginning with his childhood, through school years, up to his development into a political extremist and activist. The history of the Labor Party youth camp on Utoya and its significance in the political landscape of Norway is the backdrop against which all other events occur. The author, Stian Bromark, provides an insighful portrayal of the darkest day in modern Norwegian history.
A visceral, riveting, no-holds-barred military memoir told from the front line of the war against ISIS with a foreword by Andy McNab. In the summer of 2014 the world watched in horror as the black flag of ISIS swept all before it. Mosul, the second largest city in Iraq fell, ISIS proclaimed the caliphate and the horror mounted: from the mass murder, rape and enslavement of the Yazidis to the public beheading of journalists by British jihadis. For Macer Gifford it wasn't enough to ask why more wasn't being done, he knew he had to act. So, he left his job in the city, split from his girlfriend and a few weeks later found himself illegally crossing the border into Syria to join the Kurdish YPG in their fight against the savagery of ISIS. Macer Gifford became one of longest serving British International Volunteers and one of the only few to be promoted to be a Commander in the YPG. He fought alongside the Kurds (and their Syrian Allies) for three long tours of duty from the dawn of the caliphate all the way to its military defeat in the ruins of Raqqa in 2017, sniping at the final deadly wave of suicide bombers as they burst from the rubble. Along the way, he made - and lost - many friends. This is the only complete account of the war against the Caliphate by the Kurds and the remarkable and often eccentric band of international volunteers who fought alongside them.
Written for the general reader as well as the professional, this succinct but comprehensive work examines the hybrid nature of the two violent extremist movements threatening the United States: radical Islamism and white nationalism. Scholarship as well as popular discourse on terrorism often focuses disproportionately on specific groups without paying sufficient attention to the ideology that motivates them. This book emphasizes understanding and countering the ideology that fuels extremism over preoccupation with specific organizations such as Al Qaeda or ISIS. It sets contemporary terrorist threats in perspective, avoiding fear-mongering and political rhetoric. The book examines the nature of violent extremism today in all its forms, including lone wolves and cyber threats. Focusing on the threats posed by both international and domestic terrorism, it analyzes each in depth as a multidimensional hybrid phenomenon: each threat exists as an ideology, as distinct groups espousing that ideology, and as a network of followers. Short, easy-to-read chapters take readers through the subject matter in a clear, methodical manner. Written in an accessible style by an author who has studied terrorism for more than 30 years and provided extensive media coverage on the subject, the work is a valuable addition to the literature on violent extremism. * Provides concise but comprehensive analysis of violent extremism as a hybrid phenomenon * Focuses on contemporary threats that are of great concern to the United States and other Western powers * Combines scholarly rigor with an accessible writing style * Debunks fear and counters myths while avoiding political hype
The Disaster Dictionary identifies terms, acronyms, and related concepts. More than 1,100 entries are derived from many types of disasters and crisis scenarios. Appendix A provides a detailed description of Weapons of Mass Destruction: their classification, characteristics, and response protocols. Appendix B explains the background, purpose and use of the Incident Command System (ICS). You'll learn how resources within ICS are organized and understand their rules of operation. Appendix C provides a listing of more than 100 web-based resources for additional information and study.
Radically different from other struggles covered by the international laws of war, the war on terrorism continues to create new legal challenges and grave moral dilemmas for the free world. Democracies are increasingly faced with balancing security against civil liberties, human rights, and the rule of law. In his new book The Struggle of Democracy against Terrorism, Emanuel Gross examines the legal and moral complexities democracies face when dealing with terrorism. Drawing on his own experience as a former judge in the Israeli military courts, Gross compares the experiences of the United States, Israel, and the United Kingdom, providing a broad picture of the dangers posed by the measures these democracies use to combat terrorism.
Particularly critical of the U.S. Patriot Act, Gross outlines what he argues to be the three cornerstones of Israel's experience with terrorism applicable to other democracies. On this platform, he bases his examination of the various laws that apply to a democracy's fight against terrorism, providing sharp and wide-ranging analysis that will be of great use to citizens and governments worldwide. Both provocative and informative, The Struggle of Democracy against Terrorism will appeal to students and teachers of law, political science, and philosophy, as well as to citizens and activists concerned with the impact of terrorism on civil liberties.
Terrorism and radicalization have a long history, but in recent years their prominence has been a particularly conspicuous and influential feature of the global political landscape. This important book presents an overview of the processes involved in radicalization and terrorism, and introduces a systematic framework which captures the most crucial individual and social factors involved in determining these processes. The authors begin by considering the possible role of prejudice, economic deprivation, and discrimination, and the cognitive responses and emotions they can trigger. Such responses tend in turn to increase the importance of group membership, and promote intergroup differentiation and polarization, a process which is often accompanied by more pronounced and more extreme religious and ideological beliefs. The book also describes the role of cultural values and social climate in processes of radicalization, as well as the role of personality factors and demographics such as age and marital status. As for violent terrorist action itself, this final most radical stage is elicited by a number of group factors such as groupthink, isolation, and leadership. Certain cognitive mechanisms - for example, dehumanizing the target and attributing responsibility elsewhere - can also provide excuses for violence. The book explores why some groups turn to violence and others don't, and it addresses processes of disengagement, deradicalization programs, and other methods used to inhibit the spread of radicalization and terrorism. The Psychology of Radicalization and Terrorism takes a unique and systematic approach to a vital topic, integrating knowledge from diverse literatures, and using social psychology as a basis for comprehending human behaviour. It will be essential reading for students and researchers from all disciplines seeking a greater understanding of terrorism and violent political conflict in all its forms.
How do cities plan for the unplanned? Do cities plan for recovery
from every possible sudden shock? How does one prepare a plan for
the recovery after a tragedy, like the September 11, 2001 terrorist
attacks on New York? The book discovers the systematic features
that contribute to the success of planning institutions. In cities
filled with uncertainty and complexity, planning institutions
effectively tackle unexpected and sudden change by relying on the
old and the familiar, rather than the new and the innovative.
The astonishing, gripping and long-awaited inside story of an ordinary man who became an extraordinary spy. After years of living in semi-isolation, David Rupert speaks for the first time about how a trucker from New York ended up being recruited to the FBI and MI5 at one of the most crucial moments in British political history. Including shock revelations about Rupert's discoveries working within the Real IRA - such as sending plastic explosives and detonators, hidden inside toys, to a primary school in Donegal. Author Sean O'Driscoll tells the incredible story of David, 'The Big Yank', a 6ft7 American tourist who found himself at the centre of a chilling campaign of terror that targeted civilians, the forces and Prime Minister Tony Blair. Countless lives have been saved by David Rupert's decision to risk his neck working for years within one of the most brutal and ruthless terrorist organisations in the world - an organisation whose language of violence left women and children amongst the dead in the Omagh atrocity. An unprecedented bombing campaign was planned to destroy any hopes of a peace agreement. In a trial that rested entirely on the evidence of the 'Big Yank', those plans for ongoing bloodshed and an end to the Good Friday Agreement were brought to a halt.
Preventing acts of terrorism remains one of the major tasks of domestic governments and regional and international organisations. Terrorism transcends borders, so anti-terrorism law must cross the boundaries of domestic, regional and international law. It also crosses traditional disciplinary boundaries between administrative, constitutional, criminal, financial, immigration, international and military law, as well as the law of war. This second edition provides a comprehensive resource on how domestic, regional and international responses to terrorism have developed since 2001. Chapters that focus on a particular country or region in the Americas, Europe, Africa and Asia are complemented by overarching thematic chapters that take a comparative approach to particular aspects of anti-terrorism law and policy.
Neil Krishan Aggarwal's timely study finds that mental-health and biomedical professionals have created new forms of knowledge and practice in their desire to understand and fight terrorism. In the process, the state has used psychiatrists and psychologists to furnish knowledge on undesirable populations, and psychiatrists and psychologists have protected state interests. Professional interpretation, like all interpretations, is subject to cultural forces. Drawing on cultural psychiatry and medical anthropology, Aggarwal analyzes the transformation of definitions for normal and abnormal behavior in a vast array of sources: government documents, professional bioethical debates, legal motions and opinions, psychiatric and psychological scholarship, media publications, and policy briefs. Critical themes emerge on the use of mental health in awarding or denying disability to returning veterans, characterizing the confinement of Guantanamo detainees, contextualizing the actions of suicide bombers, portraying Muslim and Arab populations in psychiatric and psychological scholarship, illustrating bioethical issues in the treatment of detainees, and supplying the knowledge and practice to deradicalize terrorists. Throughout, Aggarwal explores this fascinating, troublesome transformation of mental-health science into a potential instrument of counterterrorism.
This book provides a detailed picture of the life of these Greek mercenaries, analyzing who they were and from what section of society they came. It explores their motivations, their relationships and connections, both with each other and those with whom they served, and shows how mercenaries were recruited, paid and maintained.
Matthew Trundle reviews a variety of evidence, including Xenophon's detailed account of how over ten thousand Greeks tried and failed to establish the Persian prince Cyrus on his brother's Imperial throne, the fragments of a fourth century play about the first ever soldier of fortune, and inscriptions prohibiting Athenians from taking service with their neighbours.
The result is a fresh look at the significance of mercenaries in ancient Greek society, economy and politics, and their part in the process that shaped the great Empire of Alexander the Great and the Hellenistic world.
A major new text on terrorism in the contemporary world. Terrorism, Colin Wight argues, is not only a form of political violence but also a form of political communication and can only be understood - and countered effectively - in the context of its relationship to the state.
Published in association with Regional Centre for Strategic Studies, Colombo Even though South Asia had a long and diverse experience of dealing with terrorism, post 9/11 a sense of urgency and seriousness has been reinforced with regard to it at the global level. The focus in this timely volume is on the strategic evolved by the South Asian states in responding to the challenge of terrorism. It is inevitable, however, that while looking at the strategies, essential characteristics of terrorism are also understood and explained as the nature of terrorism faced in each of the South Asian countries has its own specific aspects. The study is divided into two sections. In the first section, the way in which each of the South Asian states have responded to terrorism. Has been studied carefully. In the second section, some of the comparative aspects of the region perspective, such as the role of civil societies, consequences of strategies pursued, role of the third parties, and political economy of terrorism and responding strategies have been taken up for discussion and analysis. There is also a data paper on South Asian terrorism included at the end. Contributors include Ajay Sahni, Samina Ahmed, Abul Kalam, Ayesha Siddiqa, Deepak Thapa among many others.
In the wake of 2001, terrorism laws and their policing have been charged with eroding civil liberties and discriminating against Muslim and ethnic minority peoples. Traces of Terror: Counter-Terrorism Law, Policing, and Race goes further and asks how counter-terrorism reproduces the social relations of race: what police and legal practice, what knowledge and what power makes over-policing normal. Based on field work in Australia, this book investigates the effects of counter-terrorism law and policing on Muslim, Somali, Turkish Kurds and Sri Lankan Tamil communities. Drawing together in-depth interviews with members of Victoria Police and those who are being policed, participant observations of community forums, and a detailed investigation of government and police policy, legislation and case law, the author explains how processes of criminalization and racialization are sustained. The study analyses preparatory terrorism offences and 'terrorist organization' laws, as well as the application of contentious concepts including extremism, radicalization and counter-radicalization. The book explains the management of difference, identity and belonging through expanding police and intelligence powers as well as through community policing and multicultural social policy. Above all, this book traces the persistence of race, racialization and racism in practices presented, on the surface, as 'race neutral', consensual and inclusive. From raids and prosecutions, to informal questioning and communitarian forms of regulation, it demonstrates the enduring and shifting meanings of these concepts as practices and their lived, often contradictory effects on the populations who experience them. Traces of Terror is not a study of police racism nor of experiences of discrimination, but rather an explanation of the enduring organisation of racial power reflected in, and produced by, counter-terrorism.
As the United States withdraws its combat troops from Iraq and Afghanistan, politicians, foreign policy specialists, and the public are worrying about the consequences of leaving these two countries. Neither nation can be considered stable, and progress toward democracy in them-a principal aim of America and the West-is fragile at best. But, international relations scholar Mark N. Katz asks: Could ending both wars actually help the United States and its allies to overcome radical Islam in the long term? Drawing lessons from the Cold War, Katz makes the case that rather than signaling the decline of American power and influence, removing military forces from Afghanistan and Iraq puts the U.S. in a better position to counter the forces of radical Islam and ultimately win the war on terror. He explains that since both wars will likely remain intractable, for Washington to remain heavily involved in either is counter-productive. Katz argues that looking to its Cold War experience would help the U.S. find better strategies for employing America's scarce resources to deal with its adversaries now. This means that, although leaving Afghanistan and Iraq may well appear to be a victory for America's opponents in the short term-as was the case when the U.S. withdrew from Indochina-the larger battle with militant Islam can be won only by refocusing foreign and military policy away from these two quagmires. This sober, objective assessment of what went wrong in the U.S.-led wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and the ways the West can disentangle itself and still move forward draws striking parallels with the Cold War. Anyone concerned with the future of the War on Terror will find Katz's argument highly thought provoking.
This book presents a range of analytical responses towards 9/11 through a critical review of literary, non-literary and cultural representations. The contributors examine the ways in which this event has shaped and complicated the relationship between various national and religious identities in contemporary world history. Unlike earlier studies on the topic, this work reconciles both eclectic and pragmatic approaches by analyzing the stereotypes of nationhood and identities while also questioning theoretical concepts in the context of the latest political developments. The chapters focus on discourses, themes, imagery and symbolism from across fiction and non-fiction, films, art, music, and political, literary and artistic movements. The volume addresses complexities arising within different local contexts (e.g., Hunza and state development); surveys broader frameworks in South Asia (representations of Muslims in Bollywood films); and gauges international impact (U.S. drone attacks in Islamic countries; treatment meted out to Muslims in Europe). It also connects these with relevant theories (e.g., Orientalism) and policy perspectives (e.g., Patriotic Act). The authors further discuss the consequences for minorities and marginalization, cultural relativism vs. ethnocentrism, the clash of civilizations, fundamentalism, Islamization and post-9/11 'Islamophobia'. This book will be useful to scholars and researchers of South Asian literature, Islamic studies, literary criticism, political sociology, anthropology and cultural studies, those in the media and the general reader.
Colombo Terrorism is now an over-defined concept with the state, intellectuals, dissenters, and anti-state activists constantly battling out its meaning. "While analysing terrorism the authors of this volume have tried to highlight the following contentions. First, both state and non-state actors are culpable when it comes to reproducing terrorism, although as a policy the state was the first to institutionalise it. Second, the colonial state was notorious when it came to reproducing terrorism, not merely for channelling its coercive machineries but for institutionalising terrorism as a matter of state policy. Third, non-state terrorism during the colonial era remained qualitatively different from the post-colonial era mainly for the practice of keeping out civil society from influencing state policy. Fourth, states policy of counter-terrorism proved more counter productive in tackling non-state terrorism. Fifth, modern weapons technology has virtually re conceptualised terrorism, not only nationally but also internationally. Sixth, while the state resorted to terrorism mainly for containing the power of dissenting subalterns, the latter also through acts of terrorism found convenient to project its grievances against the state. Seventh, misgovernance of the state, marginality of communities, and national deprivation, all contribute directly to the reproduction of non-state terrorism. Finally, globalisation has provided fresh impetus to terrorism in terms of international networks and the supply of materials. Published in association with Regional Centre for Strategic Studies.
Keenie Meenie Services - the most powerful mercenary company you've never heard of - was involved in war crimes around the world from Sri Lanka to Nicaragua for which its shadowy directors have never been held accountable. Like its mysterious name, Keenie Meenie Services escaped definition and to this day has evaded sanctions. Now explosive new evidence - only recently declassified - exposes the extent of these war crimes, and the British government's tacit support for the company's operations. Including testimonies from SAS veterans, spy chiefs and diplomats, we hear from key figures battle-hardened by the Troubles in Northern Ireland and the Iranian Embassy siege. Investigative journalist Phil Miller asks, who were these mercenaries: heroes, terrorists, freedom fighters or war criminals? This book presents the first ever comprehensive case against Keenie Meenie Services, providing long overdue evidence on the crimes of the people who make a killing from killing.
The jihad has been at the centre of the West's securitization discourse for more than a decade. Theorists constantly use the jihadist as a discursive tool to further their neoliberal, military and market agendas, perpetuating massive gaps of understanding between 'the West', Muslims and jihadists themselves. They are helped by Muslim interlocutors, who all too often play the role of 'good' Muslims explaining the motifs of the 'bad' Muslims. This timely book argues that Muslim theory and fiction has been significantly commodified to cater to the needs of western ideology. It skillfully critiques the ideological contradictions of the debate around the jihadist by offering a comprehensive analysis of Muslim and non-Muslim cultural critics. Ranging from Edward Said to Slavoj Zizek, from Don DeLillo to Orhan Pamuk and from Mohammed Siddique Khan to Osama bin Laden, this vastly heterogeneous discourse produces a multi-dimensional Muslim response. O'Rourke examines some of its critical fault lines in postcolonial theory and literary analysis. This groundbreaking book argues that the temptation to appropriate the figure of the jihadist offers a fertile area from which to launch a discussion about the limits of current theory.
This book explores how different publics make sense of and evaluate anti-terrorism powers within the UK, and the implications of this for citizenship and security. Drawing on primary empirical research, the book argues that whilst white individuals are not unconcerned about the effects of anti-terrorism, ethnic minority citizens (including, but not only those identifying as Muslim) believe that anti-terrorism powers have impacted negatively on their citizenship and security. This book thus offers the first systematic engagement with 'vernacular' or 'everyday' understandings of anti-terrorism policy, citizenship and security. It argues that while transformations in anti-terrorism frameworks impact on public experiences of security and citizenship, they do not do so in a uniform, homogeneous, or predictable manner. At the same time, public understandings and expectations of security and citizenship themselves shape how developments in anti-terrorism frameworks are discussed and evaluated. This important new book will be of interest to researchers and students working in a wide range of disciplines including Political Science, International Relations, Security Studies and Sociology. -- .
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