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This volume investigates the relationship between protest, repression and political regimes in Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa. Considering how different political regimes use repression and respond to popular protest, this book analyzes the relationship between protest and repression in Africa and Latin America between the late 1970s and the beginning of the twenty first century. Drawing on theories, multi-method empirical analyses and case studies, the author of this volume sets out to investigate the reciprocal dynamics between protest and repression. Distinctive features of this volume include: quantitative analyses that highlight general trends in the protest-repression relationship case studies of different political regimes in Chile and Nigeria, emphasising the dynamics at the micro-level an emphasis on the importance of full democratization in order to reduce the risk, and intensity, of intra-state conflict Focusing on political regimes in different areas of the world, Protest, Repression and Political Regimes will be of vital interest to students and scholars of conflict studies, human rights and social movements.
This book examines responsibility in grave humanitarian crises, focusing on the international community's collective responsibility to take action in such cases as genocide or ethnic cleansing. The idea of collective responsibility highlights how we would like to see the global level primarily as something more akin to a community of peoples, rather than as a society of states in which other international and transnational actors operate. Since the acceptance of human rights, and in view of the atrocities of the Holocaust and other genocides, we have realized that some things concern us all: a realization that has led to the development of the responsibility to protect (R2P) framework. This book focuses on understanding the international community and its collective responsibility. Unlike the research frameworks put forward in other publications on this topic, the research model developed here does not distribute the collective responsibility to particular actors; instead, it sets out how the burden should be divided among those actors responsible in order to protect human security on a global scale. This book will be of interest to students of humanitarian intervention, the responsibility to protect, international law, peace and conflict studies, and international relations in general.
Kaneko Fumiko (1903-1926) wrote this memoir while in prison after being convicted of plotting to assassinate the Japanese emperor. Despite an early life of misery, deprivation, and hardship, she grew up to be a strong and independent young woman. When she moved to Tokyo in 1920, she gravitated to left-wing groups and eventually joined with the Korean nihilist Pak Yeol to form a two-person nihilist organization. Two days after the Great Tokyo Earthquake, in a general wave of anti-leftist and anti-Korean hysteria, the authorities arrested the pair and charged them with high treason. Defiant to the end (she hanged herself in prison on July 23, 1926), Kaneko Fumiko wrote this memoir as an indictment of the society that oppressed her, the family that abused and neglected her, and the imperial system that drove her to her death.
I don't want to do anything subversive - I just want to destroy capitalism. A collection of 'ultra' prose and poetry from 300 years of outrage, passion, sarcasm and wit. Quotes, rants, declarations and blood-curdling warcries. This is utterly brilliant, and is finally reprinted here (from an obscure edition first published in the 60s) in a new edition edited, introduced, and illustrated by Clifford Harper. "Death to middle-class society, and long live anarchism!"
East Timor is at last, and at terrible human cost, firmly on the road to independence. The significance of its passage to freedom-for its people, for Asia, and for the world-is manifold. This volume offers a comprehensive overview of East Timor's travail and its triumph in its international context. East Timor's independence constitutes one of the final and most poignant moments in a long and bitter history of European colonization and decolonization. For the people of East Timor, independence from Portugal in 1975 was only the beginning of a new struggle against Indonesian invaders a struggle that took the lives of 200,000 East Timorese and one that is by no means over. The case of East Timor, both during and after the Cold War, provides a litmus test for issues of international responsibility, posing questions of double standards in unusually clear-cut form. It reveals the active support by the United States and other powers for the military forces of Indonesia throughout the years of that nation's invasion and repression of East Timor, until 1998 when the collapse of the Indonesian dictatorship ushered in a new phase in the East Timorese struggle. Contributions by: Peter Bartu, Noam Chomsky, Richard Falk, Geoffrey C. Gunn, Peter Hayes, Wade Huntley, Gerry Van Klinken, Helene Van Klinken, Arnold S. Kohen, Allan Nairn, Sarah Niner, Constancio Pinto, Geoffrey Robinson, Joao Mariano Saldanha, Charles Scheiner, Mark Selden, Stephen R. Shalom, and Richard Tanter."
Fueled by the explosion of the world's population, the quest for asylum is one of the most pressing problems of our age. Refugee receiving nations-located frequently, but by no means exclusively, in the Western world-have to respond to masses of humanity searching for new livable homes. Human compassion for these refugees can be found everywhere, but so can xenophobia and the desire to preserve one's nation, economic well being, and cultural integrity. The clash between these impulses represents one of the great dilemmas of our time and is the subject of Plaut's study. In exploring it, he provides a far-ranging inquiry into the human condition. The book presents political, ethnic, philosophical, religious, and sociological arguments, and deals with some of the most troublesome and heartbreaking conflicts in the news.
Late one night in July, 1963, a South African police unit
surrounded the African National Congress headquarters in Rivonia
and arrested a group of Movement leaders gathered inside.
Eventually eight of them, including Nelson Mandela, who was already
serving a sentence, Walter Sisulu, Dennis Goldberg, Govan Mbeki,
Raymond Mhlaba, Elias Motsoledi, Andrew Mangeni, and Ahmed
Kathrada, were convicted of sabotage and, on 12 June 1964,
sentenced to life in prison. Soon, these men became widely known as
the "Rivonia Trialists." Despite their imprisonment, the Trialists
played active roles in the struggle against South Africa's racist
regime. Instead of being forgotten, as apartheid officials had
hoped, they became enduring symbols in a struggle against injustice
While the genre of testimonio has deep roots in oral cultures and in Latin American human rights struggles, the publication and subsequent adoption of This Bridge Called My Back (Moraga & Anzaldua, 1983) and, more recently, Telling to Live: Latina Feminist Testimonios (Latina Feminist Group, 2001), have demonstrated the power of testimonio as a genre that exposes brutality, disrupts silencing, and builds solidarity among women of colour. Within the field of education, scholars are increasingly taking up testimonio as a pedagogical, methodological, and activist approach to social justice, which transgresses traditional paradigms in academia. Unlike the more usual approach of researchers producing unbiased knowledge, the testimonio challenges objectivity by situating the individual in communion with a collective experience marked by marginalization, oppression, or resistance. This approach has resulted in new understandings about how marginalized communities build solidarity, and respond to and resist dominant culture, laws, and policies that perpetuate inequity. This book contributes to our understanding of testimonio as it relates to methodology, pedagogy, research, and reflection in pursuit of social justice. A common thread among the chapters is a sense of political urgency to address inequities within Chicana/o and Latina/o communities. This book was originally published as a special issue of Equity & Excellence in Education.
Special Discount Pack: 15 BOOKS FOR THE PRICE OF 14. A moving account of Martin Luther King's part in the campaign for civil rights in the USA. The very popular Faith in Action Series is suitable for individual and class / group work. In addition to the main biographical story, the book contains suggestions for discussion, thinking and writing as well as examination type questions.
The Halbjuden of Hitler's Germany were half Christian and half Jewish but, like the rest of the Mischlinge (or "partial-Jews"), were far too Jewish in the eyes of the Nazis. Thus, while they were allowed for a time to coexist with the rest of German society, they were granted only the most marginal or menial jobs, restricted from marrying Aryans or even leading normal social lives, and sent eventually to forced-labor and concentration camps. More than 70,000 Germans were subjected to these restrictions and indignities, created and fostered by Hitler's morally bankrupt race laws, yet to this day few personal accounts of their experiences exist.
James Tent movingly recounts how these men and women from all over Germany and from all walks of life struggled to survive in an increasingly hostile society, even as their Jewish relatives were disappearing into the East. It draws on extensive interviews with twenty survivors, many of whom were teenagers when Hitler came to power, to show how "half Jews" coped with conditions on a day-to-day basis, and how the legacy of the hatred they suffered has forever lingered in their minds.
Tent provides gripping stories of life beneath the boot-heel of Nazi rule: a woman deemed unsuited for a career in nursing because the shape of her earlobes and breasts indicated she was not "racially suited," a man arrested for "race defilement" because he lived with an Aryan woman, and many others. Writing with a deep and abiding respect for his subjects, Tent shows how Nazi discrimination and persecution affected the lives of the Mischlinge beginning in 1933, and he tells how such treatment intensified through the later years of the war.
These testimonies offer rare insight into how Nazi persecution functioned at a very personal level. Tent's witnesses share experiences in school and problems in the workplace, where the best survival strategy was to find an unobtrusive niche in a nondescript job. They tell of obstacles to personal and romantic relationships. And they soberly remind us that by 1944 they too were rounded up for forced labor, certain to be the next victims of Nazi genocide.
"In the Shadow of the Holocaust" demonstrates the lengths to
which the Nazis were willing to go in order to eradicate Judaism-a
fanaticism that increased over time and even in the face of
impending military defeat. These people mostly survived the
Holocaust, yet they paid for their re-assimilation into German
society by remaining silent in the face of haunting memories. This
book breaks that silence and is a testament to human endurance
under the most trying circumstances.
This is an essential reading for anyone who wishes to understand the peril today confronting Jews, Israel, and Western democracy as a whole.
Does democracy decrease state repression in line with the expectations of governments, international organizations, NGOs, social movements, academics and ordinary citizens around the world? Most believe that a 'domestic democratic peace' exists, rivalling that found in the realm of interstate conflict. Investigating 137 countries from 1976 to 1996, this book seeks to shed light on this question. Specifically, three results emerge. First, while different aspects of democracy decrease repressive behaviour, not all do so to the same degree. Human rights violations are especially responsive to electoral participation and competition. Second, while different types of repression are reduced, not all are limited at comparable levels. Personal integrity violations are decreased more than civil liberties restrictions. Third, the domestic democratic peace is not bulletproof; the negative influence of democracy on repression can be overwhelmed by political conflict. This research alters our conception of repression, its analysis and its resolution.
This book explores the development of Lenin s thinking on violence throughout his career, from the last years of the Tsarist regime in Russia through to the 1920s and the New Economic Policy, and provides an important assessment of the significance of ideological factors for understanding Soviet state violence as directed by the Bolshevik leadership during its first years in power. It highlights the impact of the First World War, in particular its place in Bolshevik discourse as a source of legitimating Soviet state violence after 1917, and explains the evolution of Bolshevik dictatorship over the half decade during which Lenin led the revolutionary state. It examines the militant nature of the Leninist worldview, Lenin s conception of the revolutionary state, the evolution of his understanding of "dictatorship of the proletariat," and his version of "just war." The book argues that ideology can be considered primarily important for understanding the violent and dictatorial nature of the early Soviet state, at least when focused on the party elite, but it is also clear that ideology cannot be understood in a contextual vacuum. The oppressive nature of Tsarist rule, the bloodiness of the First World War, and the vulnerability of the early Soviet state as it struggled to survive against foreign and domestic opponents were of crucial significance. The book sets Lenin s thinking on violence within the wider context of a violent world. "
On April 28, 2004, the Abu Ghraib photos of prisoner torture and humiliation appeared on 60 Minutes, setting off an international scandal. Less than seven weeks later, Susan L. Burke, a Philadelphia attorney, field a landmark lawsuit on behalf of the detainees, presenting a case against two private contractors, CACI International and Titan Inc. Burke set out to prove that contractors, soldiers, and officers worked together, or conspired, to torture and kill detainees. McKelvey examines how it is that many of the abusers can never be brought to justice, operating as they do outside the US system of criminal laws. Along the way she has tea with Saddam Hussein's mistress, meets with suspected terrorists, including a ghost detainee, and interviews victims from American detention centers, all the while uncovering vital sources touched upon by no other journalist. Following Burke's lawsuit through the courts, and drawing on interviews with current and former military personnel, translators, and interrogators, as well as listening to the harrowing personal stories of numerous detainee plaintiffs, McKelvey examines the many underreported, under-investigated crimes of Abu Ghraib.
The people of East Timor voted overwhelmingly in August 1999 for independence and an end to Indonesian occupation. In this updated and much expanded edition of Indonesia's Forgotten War: The Hidden History of East Timor (Zed Books, rev ed 1994), John Taylor tells the story of what happened following President Suharto's overthrow. The new government conceded the right of the United Nations to organise the long delayed referendum giving the East Timorese a choice between continued association with Indonesia or independence. At the very moment the historic vote was being counted, armed gangs organised by the Indonesian military plunged the island into an orgy of killing, burning and forced flight. John Taylor analyses the world's reaction to this new genocide of the East Timorese people, the despatch of a peacekeeping force, and the prospects of independence.
These essays on war, resistance and counter resistance represent an original approach to understanding how political constraints on human behavior, and the resistance movements to which these restrictions give rise, produce counter-resistant forces which represent new constraints, which in turn often generate new and innovative behaviors which sometimes create new crystallizations of cultural expression and occasionally influence institutions and traditions. This new anthology offers a unique analysis of the important role political constraints play in the production of creative thinking and the development of systematic projects aimed at human liberation. In the preface, Francis Feeley clearly states the purpose of this book, which is to demonstrate how resistance movements have often given birth to counter-resistance measures employed mostly by state agencies aimed at stifling the self-realization of certain groups and promoting the self-realization of other organized interests. The following essays are a composite of writings by political activists, poets, and academic scholars. The introduction offers a brief description of major resistance movements in the United States. This historical overview presents a context for the appearance of the 20th- century resistance movements described in the following chapters. We are alerted from the start that one of the unifying themes of these essays is the dialectical relationship between social movements and political institutions, "producing democracy within American institutions"; another theme will be how these social contradictions which generate the growth of democracy have proven time and again to operate beyond the control of capitalist interests both in France and within the United States, thereby giving rise to many species of democratic expression...Gilles Vachon's description of his childhood impressions of Paris under the German occupation offers new insights into micro-resistance at the level of alternative perceptions and subliminal communications. George Brown's contribution to the thesis of this book, although first published in 1978, is his self-conscious description of one man entering into a dialectical relationship with prison reforms, which pushed him into a deeper understanding of the injustices that he had suffered as a child and young adult growing up Black in the United States. In the third chapter of this book Francis Feeley uncovers the economic interests behind the production of political repression. His analysis of the Homeland Security Act, and the growth of surveillance and security industry that it gave rise to, supports the main thesis of this book, namely that the contradictions which generate democracy exist beyond the control, and very often beyond the apprehension, of the society in which they are created. Patrick Litsangou's essay in chapter 4 contributes to our understanding of the dialectical relationship between the mainstream media and the alternative media, in the period of the U.S. military invasion of Iraq. He illustrates in this essay how the demise of mainstream medias independence gave rise to the extraordinary success of the alternative media, as large numbers of people living within the United States vigorously struggled to stay informed, in order to understand the palpable contradictions in their lives. In the fifth chapter, Peterson Nnajiofor recounts the histories of resistance and counter resistance around the aggressive activities of US petroleum companies in the Niger Delta, where class warfare has produced strategies and counter tactics that have been evolving for decades in the relationships between the inhabitants of the region and the transnational corporations which control their political economy to the almost unimaginable detriment of the environment. The last chapter of this book is an excerpt from Professor Anthony Wilden's classic work, "Man and Woman, War and Peace, the Strategists Companion" (New York, 1987). Despite having been published more than two decades ago, this theoretical study stands as a contemporary statement on the epistemology of strategic thought. The indirect approach, described here by Wilden complements Professor Feeley's thesis that the forces of resistance and the forces of counter resistance are intimately related; that from this interrelationship new cultural expressions are created, some of which have long-term effects on the society in which they occur. The formation of a revolutionary counterculture is but one example of the effects of this power interface. As professor Wilden notes, no confrontation occurs without some structural modification taking place. The forces of order are never the same after they successfully repress the forces of change, and guerrilla warfare tactics are constantly evolving, adapting to new conditions. Professor Feeley concludes this anthology by attempting to synthesize the main ideas presented in the seven essays in this book. The main thread running through these chapters is the idea that cultural order cannot be reduced to the natural order. This idea is clearly expressed in each of the essays found in this book, and the conclusion convincingly states the view that social science, like all other cultural expressions, exists beyond "being," in the realm of "becoming."
The British, Irish, Russian, American, German and Austrian contributors examine the intricate nature of the mass repression unleashed by the Stalinist leader of the USSR during 1937 38. The first part of the collection deals with annihilation policies against the Soviet elite and the Communist International. The second section of the volume looks at mass operations of the secret police (NKVD) against social outcasts, Poles and other 'hostile' ethnic groups. The final section comprises micro studies about targeted victim groups among the general population. FRIDRIKH FIRSOV Researcher, History of the Comintern WLADISLAW HEDELER Researcher, History of the Karaganda Gulag Complex OLEG KHLEVNIUK Department of Public Administration, Moscow State University, Russia NATALIA MUSIENKO Lecturer, German Language NIKITA PETROV Vice-Chairman, Board of Memorial, the most prominent Russian organization dedicated to uncovering the crimes of Soviet Communism ARSENII ROGINSKII Chairman, Board of Memorial HANS SCHAFRANEK Freelance Historian, Vienna DAVID SHEARER Associate Professor of History, University of Delaware, USA BERTHOLD UNFRIED Lecturer, Cultural Studies, Vienna University ALEKSANDR VATLIN S
The book critically analyses the changing role and nature of post-Cold War humanitarianism and how we can make sense of it, using Foucault's theories of biopolitics and governmentality. While it is widely acknowledged that, since the 1990s, the nature of humanitarian action has been changing, and much effort has been invested into producing various accounts of these changes, there is a lack of serious theoretical engagement with a view to making sense of the policies and practices associated with new humanitarianism, their conditions of possibility and their implications. At the same time, the complexity of the post-Cold War developments and associated changes in the humanitarian enterprise call for an approach that would pay close attention to the constellations of power relations driving these changes and help us understand their effects at different levels.Using Michel Foucault's theorising on biopolitics and governmentality, the book interprets the policies and practices associated with the new humanitarianism in general, as well as the dynamics of two specific international assistance efforts: the post-2001 conflict-related assistance effort in Afghanistan and the post-2000 Chernobyl-related assistance effort in Belarus. The book thereby demonstrates that it is possible to generate a powerful and insightful interpretation of the changing role and nature of humanitarian action, and, in so doing, to better understand contemporary humanitarianism, as well as identifying resistances to it and envisaging alternative ways of addressing humanitarian concerns. The book makes an important contribution to several areas of scholarship: on humanitarianism and the changing nature of post-Cold War humanitarian action, on Foucault's theorising on biopower, biopolitics and governmentality and its applications, and on the conflict-related assistance effort in Afghanistan. Not only does it offer an analysis of the nature, role and effects of contemporary humanitarian governing, but also analyses them at different levels (i.e., global and local).It is also be one of the first works to engage critically with Foucault's later theorising and the 'corrections' offered to it by Agamben and Esposito to better understand the relationship between sovereignty and biopolitics as technologies of governing and the ability of biopolitical governing to produce negative, and even lethal, effects, something that it then uses to identify and analyse such effects prevalent in humanitarian governing, for example, what is termed in the book 'biopolitics of endangerment, invisibility and abandonment'. This book will be of much interest to students of critical security studies, humanitarianism, governmentality, and IR more generally.
Originally published in German, Erika Thurner's National Socialism and Gypsies in Austria is the ground-breaking study of Nazi policy toward Gypsies during the Third Reich. As noted in the foreword, although Jews were the major target of the Nazis, others were also marked for extermination. Indeed, of the groups targeted by the Nazis, only Jews and Gypsies were killed indiscriminately and tribally, that is, by the gassing of entire family groups of men, women, and children. Of the eleven thousand Gypsies living in Austria at the start of the war, only three thousand survived Nazi persecution. In the first English translation of this important work, Gilya Gerda Schmidt makes available Thurner's investigation of Camps Salzburg and Lackenbach, the two central areas of Gypsy persecution in Austria. This English translation has also been expanded, with a new study of Camp Salzburg, an updated bibliography, and numerous photographs, which were not included in the German edition.
Though an equal rights clause is written into the Israeli constitution, women are underrepresented in the political arena. This is especially true in the case of Palestinian women - only one Palestinian woman has been a member of the Knesset in the entire fifty-plus-year history of Israel. Suheir Abu Oksa Daoud examines the various factors that have created this culture of political oppression. She relies on both feminist theory and theories of colonial domination as well as conclusions drawn from personal interviews with female activists. Utilizing Arabic, English, and Hebrew sources, she also makes careful distinctions between the lives and experiences of Christian, Muslim, Bedouin, and Druze women. Daoud's focus remains squarely on the experiences of Palestinian women, however, and she demonstrates that the problem is not only due to the minority status of Palestinians. She reveals how they are further hampered by Arab cultural attitudes toward women and the overall political culture in Israel, which continues to privilege men over women even as it pays lip service to equality.
From 1625 to 1627 scholar-officials belonging to a militant Confucianist group known as the "Donglin Faction" suffered one of the most gruesome political repressions in China's history. Many were purged from key positions in the central government for their relentless push for a national moral rearmament under the Tianqi emperor. While their martyrs' deaths won them a lasting reputation for heroism and steadfastness, their opponents are remembered for fatally degrading the quality of Ming political life with their arrests and tortures of Donglin partisans. John Dardess employs a wide range of little-used primary sources (letters, diaries, eyewitness accounts, memorials, imperial edicts) to provide a remarkably detailed narrative of the inner workings of Ming government and of this dramatic period as a whole. Comparing the repression with the Tiananmen demonstrations of 1989, he argues that Tiananmen offers compelling clues to a rereading of the events of the 1620s. Leaders of both movements were less interested in practical reform than in communicating sincere moral feelings to rulers and the public. In the end the protesters succeeded in commemorating their dead and imprisoned and in disgracing those responsible for the violence.
A work of unprecedented depth skillfully told, Blood and History in China will be appreciated by specialists in intellectual history and Ming and early Qing studies.
Genocide represents one of the deadliest scourges of the human experience. Communication practices provide the key missing ingredient toward preventing and ending this intensely symbolic activity. The Rhetoric of Genocide: Death as a Text reveals how strategic communication silences make this tragedy probable, and how a greater social ethic for communication openness repels and ends this great evil. Careful analysis of practical historical figures, such as the great debater James Farmer Jr., along with empirical policy successes in places such as Liberia provide a communication-based template for ridding the world of genocide in the twenty-first century.
Tarnopolsky recounts his year in a Siberian labor camp, and offers his interpretation of the fall of the Soviet Empire and the future Russian crossroads.
In the aftermath of the suicide bombings on London's transport infrastructure in July 2005, the then Prime Minister Tony Blair said that 'the rules of the game have changed'. He referred to how his government planned to respond to the attacks, but few people at the time anticipated that counter-terrorism would become synonymous with circumventing time-honoured concepts such as the rule of law. It is associated now with words such as profiling, incommunicado detention, rendition and torture."Rules of the Game" investigates global counter terrorism through the perspective of those affected by such measures. Asim Qureshi's indefatigable research took him to East Africa, Pakistan, Sudan, the USA, Bosnia and Canada to record the testimonies of the victims of these detention policies. He analyses the effects of global counter-terrorism not as individual policies or pieces of legislation, but rather as parts of a larger phenomenon that has uniformly changed the way governments view justice and eroded fundamental norms in pursuit of often phantom terrorists. Among the issues he discusses are profiling of Muslims by security services and concurrent mass arrests; the use of detention without charge, control orders and incommunicado detention; rendition; domestic detention policies in North America; and how the establishment of Guantanamo Bay has affected global perceptions of justice and imprisonment.
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