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Fighting Corporate Abuse demonstrates, through compelling and revelatory analysis, the legislation and regulation needed to deal with the abuses in the corporate sector that have been revealed in recent years. It highlights the more general contribution of company law and practice to the current crisis in capitalism. The first section develops a controversial argument, using detailed illustrations and vivid examples which show how the various abuses of predatory capitalism have been carried out through the manipulation of the corporate form and the creation of highly complex corporate groups. The group of authors, all experts in their fields, tackle head-on the issues of tax evasion, extraction of value and asset stripping, environmental destruction and managerial self-interest. In doing so, they paint a picture of a system that is abusive, and degenerated, but also a system which can be reformed. In the run up to the UK general election, the authors develop of a set of practical proposals for an incoming government, outlining how each of these abuses could be curtailed and how a more acceptable and accountable form of corporate capitalism can be developed through national and international action. Drawing on the group's activism, as well as their academic experience in law, politics, economics and human rights, this will be an authoritative as well as a highly practical book.
Two aspects link together the notions of corruption and integrity from an epistemological perspective: the complexity of defining the two notions, and their richness in forms. This volume brings together the perspectives of six disciplines - business, political science, law, philosophy, anthropology and behavioural science - to the debate on integrity and corruption. The main goal is to promote a fruitful interdisciplinary dialogue on complex themes such as integrity and corruption in business and politics. The book investigates possible ways in which corruption and integrity apply to everyday practices, ideas and ideologies, and avoids the stigmatizations and oversimplifications that often plague these fields of research.
The five countries featured in this book - Botswana, Lesotho, Mauritius, Rwanda and Seychelles - were selected because of their relatively strong scores on Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index, or because they had registered a significant improvement in their scores over the previous decade. These countries, while continuing to experience challenges arising from corruption have made significant progress. 'Tackling Corruption in Commonwealth Africa' identifies the institutions in each country that have taken the lead in reducing the impact of corruption and accounts for the factors - both technical and political - that have enabled these institutions to implement successful anti-corruption strategies. With the many examples of anti-corruption activities contained here, the research challenges the assumption that developing Global South economies are more corrupt than Western economies. Whether in the reform of legal and institutional frameworks, reports on prosecutions, or fraudulent cross-border activities the research throws up numerous examples of the international dimensions of corruption, particularly with respect to asset repatriation and money laundering.
Whistleblowers pay with their lives to save ours. When insiders like former NSA analyst Edward Snowden or ex-FBI agent Coleen Rowley or Big Tobacco truth-teller Jeffrey Wigand blow the whistle on high-level lying, lawbreaking or other wrongdoing whether it's government spying, corporate murder or scientific scandal the public benefits enormously. Wars are ended, deadly products are taken off the market, white-collar criminals are sent to jail. The whistleblowers themselves, however, generally end up ruined. Nearly all of them lose their jobs and in many cases their marriages and their health as they refuse to back down in the face of increasingly ferocious official retaliation. That moral stubbornness despite terrible personal cost is the defining DNA of whistleblowers. The public owes them more than we know. In Bravehearts, Hertsgaard tells the gripping, sometimes darkly comic and ultimately inspiring stories of the unsung heroes of our time. A deeply reported, impassioned polemic, Bravehearts is a book for citizens everywhere especially students, teachers, activists and anyone who wants to make a difference in the world around them.
Development Corruption in South Africa examines governance matters with a focus on corruption. This rich empirical body on governance variables and governance performance is a welcome addition to South African government literature.
This study explores corruption in Rwanda and highlights the necessity of developing anti-corruption education as a way of combating corruption. It argues that an effective campaign against corruption should consider promoting anti-corruption education with the aim of enabling present and future generations to maintain and live out the Ubupfura (meaning "trust/respect") ethical values. Considering the link between anti-corruption and peacebuilding efforts, as explained in this study, it is underlined that continuous efforts to raise such generations could undoubtedly move Rwandan society toward a sustainable peace. Peacebuilders, anti-corruption agents, and public policymakers are the primary beneficiaries of the study.
Paul C. Light examines and evaluates the 100 most significant investigations of policy failures, bureaucratic mistakes, and personal misconduct undertaken by the U.S. federal government between 1945 and 2012. Launched by Congress or the president, sometimes by both at the same time, the investigations at the core of this book were driven by the search for answers about significant breakdowns in government performance. Light reveals which investigations were most effective, and why.
The oil industry provides the lifeblood of modern civilization...But the modern oil industry is an amazingly shady meeting- ground of fixers, gangsters, dictators, competing governments, and multinational corporations, and until now, no book has set out to tell the story of this largely hidden world. The global fleet of some 11,000 tankers - that's tripled during the past decade - moves approximately 2 billion metric tons of oil annually. And every stage of the route, from discovery to consumption, is tainted by corruption and violence, even if little of that is visible to the public. Based on trips to New York, Washington, Houston, London, Paris, Geneva, Phnom Penh, Dakar, Lagos, Baku, and Moscow, among other far-flung locals, The Secret World of Oil includes up-close portraits of a shadowy Baku-based trader; a high -flying London fixer; and an oil dictator's playboy son who has to choose one of his 11 luxury vehicles when he heads out to party in Los Angeles. Supported by funding from the prestigious Open Society, this is both an entertaining global travelogue and a major work of investigative reporting.
The law and practice relating to corruption and the misuse of
public office is of increasing topical importance. The first
edition of this book provided a comprehensive and detailed analysis
of the law relating to corruption as it had been shaped over recent
Public corruption is the silent killer of our economy. We've spawned the thickest network of patronage and influence ever seen in any country, a crony capitalism in which business partners with government and transfers wealth from the poor to the rich. This is a betrayal of the Framers' vision for America, and of the Constitution they saw as an anti-corruption covenant. Most Americans get it, and this explains the otherwise improbable rise of Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders. When a country is corrupt, legislative efforts to make things better can actually make them worse. That's what has happened with our campaign finance laws, says the conservative, and not entirely without reason. We've criminalized political speech and sent the message that it's unsafe to get involved in politics without a lawyer at one's side. Donor disclosure requirements have also unleashed Internet mobs that attack political opponents. We'd be better off without any of them, Buckley argues in this provocative book. They're a net with the curious feature that the big fish swim through safely while only the little fish are caught, and those with the wrong political beliefs. All such rules are a disaster, and should be replaced by a different set of laws that focus on crony capitalism and the nexus of legislators and lobbyists that prey on our economy.
This book investigates the ideological conditions inducing political actors to highlight corruption issues through valence campaigns. Using case studies and comparative analyses of party programmes, legislatives speeches and social media data, the author demonstrates that the more parties and/or candidates present a similar policy programme, the more they rely on valence campaigns. In other words, as the ideologies of parties have become increasingly similar over recent decades, the content of political competition has substantially shifted from policy to non-policy factors, such as corruption issues. These dynamics, and the ideological considerations underpinning them, also provide a novel perspective on recent phenomena in contemporary democracies, such as the growth of negative campaigning, as well as populist strategies based on anti-elite rhetoric. The book will appeal to students and scholars interested in political corruption, valence politics, populism and electoral campaigning.
Master story teller Marc Mappen applies a generational perspective
to the gangsters of the Prohibition era--men born in the quarter
century span from 1880 to 1905--who came to power with the
An unprecedented new international moral and legal rule forbids one state from hosting money stolen by the leaders of another state. The aim is to counter grand corruption or kleptocracy ("rule by thieves"), when leaders of poorer countries-such as Marcos in the Philippines, Mobutu in the Congo, and more recently those overthrown in revolutions in the Arab world and Ukraine-loot billions of dollars at the expense of their own citizens. This money tends to end up hosted in rich countries. These host states now have a duty to block, trace, freeze, and seize these illicit funds and hand them back to the countries from which they were stolen. In The Despot's Guide to Wealth Management, J. C. Sharman asks how this anti-kleptocracy regime came about, how well it is working, and how it could work better. Although there have been some real achievements, the international campaign against grand corruption has run into major obstacles. The vested interests of banks, lawyers, and even law enforcement often favor turning a blind eye to foreign corruption proceeds. Recovering and returning looted assets is a long, complicated, and expensive process. Sharman used a private investigator, participated in and observed anti-corruption policy, and conducted more than a hundred interviews with key players. He also draws on various journalistic exposes, whistle-blower accounts, and government investigations to inform his comparison of the anti-kleptocracy records of the United States, Britain, Switzerland, and Australia. Sharman calls for better policing, preventative measures, and use of gatekeepers like bankers, lawyers, and real estate agents. He also recommends giving nongovernmental organizations and for-profit firms more scope to independently investigate corruption and seize stolen assets.
As the European Union moved in the 1990s to a unified market and stronger common institutions, most observers assumed that the changes would reduce corruption. Aspects of the stronger EU promised to preclude or at least reduce malfeasance: regulatory harmonization, freer trade, and privatization of publicly owned enterprises. Market efficiencies would render corrupt practices more visible and less common.
In The Best System Money Can Buy, Carolyn M. Warner systematically and often entertainingly gives the lie to these assumptions and provides a framework for understanding the persistence of corruption in the Western states of the EU. In compelling case studies, she shows that under certain conditions, politicians and firms across Europe, chose to counter the increased competition they faced due to liberal markets and political reforms by resorting to corruption. More elections have made ever-larger funding demands on political parties; privatization has proved to be a theme park for economic crime and party profit; firms and politicians collude in many areas where EU harmonization has resulted in a net reduction in law-enforcement powers; and state-led "export promotion" efforts, especially in the armaments, infrastructure, and energy sectors, have virtually institutionalized bribery.
The assumptions that corruption and modernity are incompatible or that Western Europe is somehow immune to corruption simply do not hold, as Warner conveys through colorful analyses of scandals in which large corporations, politicians, and bureaucrats engage in criminal activity in order to facilitate mergers and block competition, and in which officials accept private payments for public services rendered. At the same time, the book shows the extent to which corruption is driven by the very economic and political reforms thought to decrease it."
Rebecca Friedrichs tells real-life stories that expose state and national teachers' unions as the money and muscle behind the degradation of America's schools and culture. In a book that's both accessible and enlightening, Rebecca Friedrichs recounts her thirty-year odyssey as an elementary school teacher who comes face-to-face with the forces dividing and corrupting our schools and culture-state and national teachers' unions. An exciting true story that features real life testimonies of teachers, parents, and kids, as well as political and social commentary, Rebecca's journey leads her to the realization that the only hope for America's schools and families is returning authority to parents and teachers while lessening the grip of state and national unions that: Promote a culture of fear and bully teachers and parents into silence. Undermine parents' authority by sexually, socially, and politically indoctrinating kids. Use the apple-pie image of the PTA as a "front" to promote a partisan agenda. These insights and more led Rebecca and nine other teachers to the US Supreme Court where their case, Friedrichs v California Teachers Association, et al., sought to restore the First Amendment rights of all teachers and government employees. They argued no one should be forced to pay fees to abusive, politically driven unions, and were poised to change the very landscape of American education-until tragedy struck. Saddened but unbowed, Rebecca started a national movement, For Kids and Country, leading the charge of servant leaders who believe Judeo-Christian values (including kindness) and restoration of the teaching profession-possible only by rejecting state and national unions and forming "local only" associations-are the answers to America's woes. She invites you to join them. "America's teachers, parents, and kids deserve better," Rebecca writes. "If we want freedom, we're going to have to fight for it."
According to conventional wisdom, rising corruption reduces economic growth. And yet, between 1978 and 2010, even as officials were looting state coffers, extorting bribes, raking in kickbacks, and scraping off rents at unprecedented rates, the Chinese economy grew at an average annual rate of 9 percent. In Double Paradox, Andrew Wedeman seeks to explain why the Chinese economy performed so well despite widespread corruption at almost kleptocratic levels.
Wedeman finds that the Chinese economy was able to survive predatory corruption because corruption did not explode until after economic reforms had unleashed dynamic growth. To a considerable extent corruption was also a by-product of the transfer of undervalued assets from the state to the emerging private and corporate sectors and a scramble to capture the windfall profits created by their transfer. Perhaps most critically, an anticorruption campaign, however flawed, has proved sufficient to prevent corruption from spiraling out of control. Drawing on more than three decades of data from China as well as examples of the interplay between corruption and growth in South Korea, Taiwan, Equatorial Guinea, and other nations in Africa and the Caribbean Wedeman cautions that rapid growth requires not only ongoing and improved anticorruption efforts but also consolidated and strengthened property rights."
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