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This volume presents an anthropological perspective on the hidden continuities between corruption and law. The authors argue that the two opposites, corruption and law, are inextricably linked - with the possibility of the former already inscribed into the latter. Taking a critical stance towards the normative good governance agenda spearheaded by institutions such as Transparency International and the World Bank, this volume argues that by uncritically depicting corruption as an absolute evil, these anti-corruption programs disregard the close relationship that exists between corruption and state power. Addressing various aspects of a complex and ambivalent phenomenon, Corruption and the Secret of Law draws on studies from different parts of the world including Burundi, China, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, Mexico and the USA and provides a valuable resource for students, researchers and policy-makers working in this area.
Corruption is a worldwide phenomenon, but especially plagues developing countries and those in democratic transition. This timely collection presents a sector-by-sector analysis of the problems that stunt economic growth, distort governance, limit civic and democratic participation, and infuriate the populace. In stark contrast to standard holistic studies of corruption, Fighting Corruption in Developing Countries argues that examining the issue through the lens of nine key development sectors - education, agriculture, energy, environment, health, justice, private business, political parties and public finance - will help us to understand the problem realistically and identify concrete initiatives that are likely to have an impact. The book concludes with practical and policy-oriented suggestions for corruption control that minimize the risk of ""recorrupting"" forces that often threaten to reverse gains. Students, researchers, and practitioners interested in implementing effective and realistic solutions to fighting corruption will find this book essential reading.
Repeated corruption scandals and the efforts of the international political community to find ways to counteract them have compelled economists, anthropologists and political scientists to confront corruption as a subject for serious academic research. This textbook introduces students to the field of corruption analysis and the challenges facing its researchers. The book explores the definitional challenges, the problems of measurement and the methodologies that underpin the standard corruption indices. The key drivers of corrupt practice are identified and the arguments used to understand the causes of corruption are outlined. The book looks at what works in the fight against corruption, including international conventions and organizations, and policy initiatives at the national level. The role of third sector organizations, the so-called "anti-corruption industry" and the work of citizen activists and "armchair auditors" are also explored. Analysing Corruption provides an authoritative and engaging introduction to a subject that is the largest public policy challenge that the state faces in many parts of the world. It is suitable for courses in politics, public policy, public administration, development studies and anthropology. It will also be of value to those working in NGOs and charities helping to shape anti-corruption thinking.
Have you ever asked yourself what gives comfort to someone who demands and accepts a bribe, sells drugs or commits professional crimes for money? The majority of these people are not wealthy, and they accept small amounts of money every day from their victims. Cash, Corruption and Economic Development examines the causes of corruption and crime and highlights what brings comfort to all those who accept bribes and kickbacks, arguing that it is paper currency because it does not leave a signature of its movement from one entity to another. The author proposes that today, with the technology available, we can make the transition to a paper currency-free economy, which will help reduce corruption and crime and give a boost to economic development. The book analyses the causes of corruption and presents a replacement for the current model, to be implemented by a central bank and followed by banks operating within its jurisdiction. This book will be of interest to economists, students of economics and finance, and all those who have suffered as a result of corruption and professional crime and want these practices to end.
For the first time, the definitive answer to the relative disappearance of Bernie Sanders and his political revolution in our new Trumpocracy. One year into Donald Trump's presidency, the US 2016 presidential election is still being fought by both parties. As the case of Russian hacking and collusion is investigated, and Hillary Clinton desperately attempts to explain "What Happened" to her and why she lost, a more important question, one haunted by shadowy tactics and campaign double-dealing, rings out: What happened to Bernie Sanders? Jared H. Beck, Esq., the lawyer suing the Democratic National Committee and Debbie Wasserman Schultz for collusion and fraud?for conspiring as a whole to make sure Hillary Clinton was the Democratic presidential candidate?has now written the book on what truly transpired during the Democratic primaries and National Convention. What Happened to Bernie Sanders? is organized in sections: Democracy Demands the Truth Stories with No Fingerprints A Bankrupt Institution Rule of Law Demands Consequences Using uncovered documents and other primary sources, Beck shows that Bernie Sanders lost to Hillary Clinton because he never had a chance to win. He illustrates how a web of forces, emanating from elite interests through the mainstream media and Democratic political establishment, and fronted by the Democratic National Committee, operated to ensure that Clinton would secure the nomination. The story of the 2016 Democratic primaries is not one of being "stronger together" or "making America great again"; it is one of how corruption has critically eroded America's political institutions to the point of crippling democracy itself.
Based on a detailed examination of Kyrgyzstan, Johan Engvall goes well beyond the case of this single country to elaborate a broad theory of economic corruption in developing post-Soviet states regionally-as a rational form of investment market for political elites. He reveals how would-be officials invest in offices to obtain access to income streams associated with those offices. Drawing on extensive fieldwork over an eight-year period, Engvall details how these systems work and the major implications this holds for political and economic development in the region. Often identified and criticized simply as obstacles to development by scholars, Engvall instead argues that these systems must be reinterpreted in the context of a standardized and entrenched method of organizing the state. He also shows how private actors have been unsuccessful in buying preferential treatment directly from the state. Instead, public officials have become the predominant conduit to influencing policy process and monitoring the sale of protection, property rights, and other privatized "public" goods.
The need for good governance is now internationally recognised because of the high correlation between corporate governance and investor decisions. Good corporate governance improves the financial performance of companies and the capital markets. Appropriately, the Commonwealth member states are aware that to develop their economies, they need good governance and integrity, which are pillars for better economic and investment climate. This means that the issue of corruption cannot be overlooked. All Commonwealth countries that have not already done so are required to develop and implement their own national good governance and anti-corruption strategies. All the authors who have contributed chapters to the book have alluded to the problem of corruption in their various countries, especially in the developing economies. Also, Transparency International reports that many countries lack the political will to counter corruption. Countries such as Mauritius and Rwanda provide great examples of how political will to enforce good governance can bring about positive change, which significantly influences the economic landscape of the country. This book, Corporate Governance in Commonwealth Countries, a compendium of contributions from accomplished authors, examines how the Commonwealth has achieved a degree of consensus in developing and promoting standards of corporate governance both in the public and the private sectors in member countries. It reveals the various organisations and institutions that have been at the forefront of supporting and promoting corporate governance in Commonwealth countries. It consists of 18 chapters, divided into six parts. Parts I to V focus on each of the groupings of the Commonwealth countries - Africa (19 countries), Asia (7 countries), Caribbean and Americas (13 countries), Europe (3 countries) and the Pacific (11 countries). Each part presents some background information about each of the countries represented in the specific region, such as the year each country joined the Commonwealth, the World Bank Classification of the country, official language, currency in use, the population, corruption perception index score, and the ease of doing business in each country, among others. Part VI presents insights into corporate governance developments in selected Commonwealth countries - Ghana (Chapter 6), Malawi (Chapter 7), Mauritius (Chapter 8), Nigeria (Chapter 9), Pakistan (Chapter 10), Rwanda (Chapter 11), Swaziland (Chapter 12), Tanzania (Chapter 13), Tonga (Chapter 14), Uganda (Chapter 15), United Kingdom (Chapter 16) and Lake Chad (Chapter 17). It ends with Concluding Remarks and Recommendations (Chapter 18). The chapters present the relationship of each country with the CW and the corporate governance developments in each country. Chapter 17 examines corporate governance challenges in the management of Lake Chad, an Ancient Lake surrounded by four countries - Chad (on the east of the Lake), Niger (on the North Western side of the Lake), Nigeria (on the West side of the Lake) and Cameroon (on the South of the Lake). The latter two countries are member states of the Commonwealth. The Lake Chad Basin Commission was formed in the 1960s after many African countries had gained their independence from Britain. The book adds to our knowledge of corporate governance at the international level, especially within the Commonwealth, comprising a unique collection of nations - ranging from the developed economies through to vastly differing levels of emerging economies at varying stages of transition. Academics, researchers, business and finance students, investors and government agencies with an interest in the Commonwealth and corporate governance will find the book authoritative and insightful.
To effect just outcomes the justice system requires that law enforcement officers, prosecutors, and judges be committed--above all--to doing justice. Those whose allegiance is to winning, regardless of evidence, do the opposite of justice: they corrupt the system. This is the jaw-dropping story of one such corruption and its surprise ending. On Labor Day 2007, a forest fire broke out in California's eastern Sierra Nevada and eventually burned about 65,000 acres. Investigators from the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection and the United States Forest Service took a mere two days to conclude that the liable party was the successful forest-products company Sierra Pacific Industries (SPI), founded as a tiny sawmill nearly sixty years earlier by Red Emmerson. The investigative report on the fire declared that SPI's independent logging contractor had started the conflagration by driving a bulldozer over a rock, creating a spark that flew into a pile of brush. No fire had ever been proven to start that way, but based on the report the U.S. Department of Justice and California's attorney general filed nearly identical suits against Emmerson's company. The amount sought was nearly a billion dollars, enough to bankrupt or severely damage it. Emmerson, of course, fought back. Week by week, month by month, year by year, his lawyers discovered that the investigators had falsified evidence, lied under oath, fabricated science, invented a narrative, and intentionally ignored a mountain of exculpatory evidence. They never pursued a known arsonist who was in the area that day, nor a young man who repeatedly volunteered alibis contradicted by facts. Though the government lawyers had not known at the start that the investigation was tainted, they nonetheless refused to drop the suits as the discovery process continued and dozens of revelations made clear that any verdict against Emmerson's company would be unjust. Scorched Worth is a riveting tale that dramatizes how fragile and arbitrary justice can be when those empowered to act in the name of the people are more loyal to the bureaucracies that employ them than to the people they're supposed to serve. It's also the story of a man who refused to let the government take from him what he'd spent a lifetime earning.
State failure is a central challenge to international peace and security in the post-Cold War era. Yet theorizing on the causes of state failure remains surprisingly limited. In State Erosion, Lawrence P. Markowitz draws on his extensive fieldwork in two Central Asian republics Tajikistan, where state institutions fragmented into a five-year civil war from 1992 through 1997, and Uzbekistan, which constructed one of the largest state security apparatuses in post-Soviet Eurasia to advance a theory of state failure focused on unlootable resources, rent seeking, and unruly elites.
In Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and other countries with low capital mobility where resources cannot be extracted, concealed, or transported to market without state intervention local elites may control resources, but they depend on patrons to convert their resources into rents. Markowitz argues that different rent-seeking opportunities either promote the cooptation of local elites to the regime or incite competition over rents, which in turn lead to either cohesion or fragmentation. Markowitz distinguishes between weak states and failed states, challenges the assumption that state failure in a country begins at the center and radiates outward, and expands the resource curse argument to include cash crop economies, where mechanisms of state failure differ from those involved in fossil fuels and minerals. Broadening his argument to weak states in the Middle East (Syria and Lebanon) and Africa (Zimbabwe and Somalia), Markowitz shows how the distinct patterns of state failure in weak states with immobile capital can inform our understanding of regime change, ethnic violence, and security sector reform."
In this comparative, historical survey of three East Asian democracies, Jong-sung You explores the correlation between inequality and corruption in the countries of South Korea, Taiwan and the Philippines. Drawing on a wealth of rich empirical research, he illustrates the ways in which economic inequality can undermine democratic accountability, thereby increasing the risk of clientelism and capture. Transcending the scope of corruption research beyond economic growth, this book surveys why some countries, like the Philippines, have failed to curb corruption and develop, whilst others such as South Korea and Taiwan have been more successful. Taking into account factors such as the success and failure of land reform, variations in social structure, and industrial policy, Jong-sung You provides a sound example of how comparative analysis can be employed to identify causal direction and mechanisms in political science.
The past two decades have witnessed increasing opposition to mafia influence and activities in Italy. Community organizations such as Libera, founded in 1995, and Addiopizzo, originating in 2004, exemplify how Italian society has tried to come together to promote antimafia activities. The societal opposition to mafia influence continues to grow and the Internet has become a frontline in the battle between the two groups. The Italian Antimafia, New Media, and the Culture of Legality is the first book to examine the online battles between the mafia and its growing cohort of opponents. While the mafia's supporters have used Internet technologies to expand its power, profits, and violence, antimafia citizens employ the same technologies to recreate Italian civil society. The contributors to this volume are experts in diverse fields and offer interdisciplinary studies of antimafia activism and legality in online journalism, Twitter, YouTube, digital storytelling, blogs, music, and photography. These examinations enable readers to understand the grassroots Italian cultural revolution, which makes individuals responsible for promoting justice, freedom, and dignity.
The 1913 Federal Reserve Act let powerful bankers usurp money creation authority in violation of the Constitution's Article I, Section 8, giving only Congress the power to "coin Money (and) regulate the Value thereof...." Thereafter, powerful bankers used their control over money, credit and debt for private self-enrichment, bankrolling and colluding with Congress and administrations to implement laws favoring them. As a result, decades of deregulation, outsourcing, economic financialization, and casino capitalism followed, producing asset bubbles, record budget and national debt levels, and depression-sized unemployment far higher than reported numbers, albeit manipulated to look better. After the financial crisis erupted in late 2007, even harder times have left Main Street in the early stages of a depression, with recovery pure illusion. Today's contagion has spread out of control, globally. Wall Street got trillions of dollars in a desperate attempt to socialize losses, privatize profits, and pump life back into the corpses by blowing public wealth into a moribund financial sector, failing corporate favorites, and America's aristocracy. While Wall Street boasts it has recovered, industrial America keeps imploding. High-paying jobs are exported. Economic prospects are eroding. Austerity is being imposed, with no one sure how to revive stable, sustainable long-term growth. This book provides a powerful tool for showing angry Americans how they've been fleeced, and includes a plan for constructive change.
An intimate account of one family's astonishing bravery in the face of brutality, as well as perhaps the outside world's only real glimpse of what it is like to live inside the terror of Mugabe's Zimbabwe Ben Freeth has an extraordinary story to tell. Like that of many white farmers, his family's land was "reclaimed" by Mugabe's government for redistribution--but Ben's family fought back. Appealing to international law, they instigated a suit against Mugabe's government in the SADC, the Southern African equivalent of NATO. The case was deferred time and again while Mugabe's men applied political pressure to have the case thrown out. But after Freeth and his parents-in-law were abducted and beaten within inches of death in 2008, the SADC deemed any further delay to be an obstruction of justice. The case was heard, and successful on all counts. But the story doesn't end there--in 2009, the family farm was burned to the ground. The fight for justice in Zimbabwe is far from over; this book is for anyone who wants to see into the heart of one of today's hardest places, and how human dignity flourishes even in the most adverse circumstances.
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