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This book investigates parliaments' role in curbing corruption. In addition to discussing the definition, causes, and costs of corruption and the role that parliaments have in reducing corruption, the authors consider contemporary issues that parliamentarians - and others - need to be aware of. These include the importance of broad-based coalitions to fight corruption and networking at the country, regional and global level, the importance - and difficulties - of establishing parliamentary codes of ethics/conduct, legislative oversight tools and mechanisms, and regional/international conventions against corruption. Attention will also be given to parliaments and anti-money laundering. Corruption and Legislatures presents a non-technical review of contemporary issues and recent developments in curbing corruption, and concludes with practical advice as to what can be done to ensure more effective parliamentary involvement in curbing corruption.
As governments actively collect and analyse more information about their populations than ever before, citizens struggle to defend their privacy and determine which state secrets are legitimate and which are not. Jurisdictional complexity, the inability of representatives to gain access to relevant information, citizens' relative lack of expertise, and the partisanship that exists between different government agencies make oversight difficult. Secrets and Democracy considers afresh the role that secrets play within liberal democracies and the impact this has on the public's 'right to know, ' the individual's 'right to privacy, ' and the government's penchant for secrecy and data collection. Now, perhaps more than ever, secrecy (and the disclosure of secrets) is in the public eye thanks to the phenomenon of WikiLeaks. However, this book places WikiLeaks in the context of centuries-old discussion of the necessity of secrecy, as well as contemporary debate concerning the relative merits of privacy, openness, transparency, and accountabilit
Why do some governments improve public services more effectively than others? Through the investigation of a new era of administrative reform, in which digital technologies may be used to facilitate citizens' access to the state, Jennifer Bussell's analysis provides unanticipated insights into this fundamental question. In contrast to factors such as economic development or electoral competition, this study highlights the importance of access to rents, which can dramatically shape the opportunities and threats of reform to political elites. Drawing on a sub-national analysis of twenty Indian states, a field experiment, statistical modeling, case studies, interviews of citizens, bureaucrats and politicians, and comparative data from South Africa and Brazil, Bussell shows that the extent to which politicians rely on income from petty and grand corruption is closely linked to variation in the timing, management and comprehensiveness of reforms.
Income and asset disclosure systems (IAD) are gaining prominence as a tool in the fight against corruption, and have the potential to support efforts in both prevention and enforcement. They are intended to prevent and help detect the use of public office for private gain, and to help build a climate of integrity in public administration by detecting and helping officials avoid potential conflicts of interest. The potential for IAD systems to contribute to broader anticorruption efforts--such as national and international financial investigations and prosecutions, international asset recovery efforts, the prosecution of illicit enrichment, and the identification of politically exposed persons (PEPs) is as yet largely untapped. This volume of case studies and its companion volume (a guide for policymakers and practitioners) will promote interest in these areas and point the way for policymakers and practitioners to establish the capacities and institutional linkages required for this potential to be realized. There are a wide variety of approaches in IAD system design and implementation and a wide variety of challenges faced by different systems. New and emerging IAD systems may face challenges associated with resource and capacity constraints, political resistance to implementation, a lack of public awareness, or limited civil society capacity to support anticorruption efforts. Many established systems may also face the need to revise the legal framework, institutional arrangements, or enforcement mechanisms once it becomes apparent that original assumptions do not deliver expected results or unanticipated challenges emerge. This book and its companion volume identify the objectives, features, and mechanisms that can contribute to the effectiveness of an IAD system, and enhance its impact as a prevention and enforcement tool. It includes case studies of the IAD systems in Argentina; Croatia; Guatemala; Hong Kong SAR, China; Indonesia, Jordan, the Kyrgyz Republic; Mongolia; Rwanda; Slovenia; and the United States.
Presenting a chilling expose of corporate corruption and government cover-ups, this account of a nation-wide child-trafficking and paedophilia ring in the United States tells a sordid tale of corruption in high places. The scandal originally surfaced during an investigation into Omaha, Nebraska's failed Franklin Federal Credit Union and took the author beyond the Midwest and ultimately to Washington, DC. Implicating businessmen, senators, major media corporations, the CIA, and even the venerable Boys Town organisation, this extensively researched report includes first hand interviews with key witnesses and explores a controversy that has received scant media attention.
Mention the Department of Housing and Urban Development and the word "scandal" comes to mind. Within recent history, the association is quite accurate; congressional panels have investigated "abuses, favoritism, and mismanagement" at HUD; at HUD's predecessor, the Federal Housing Administration, the FBI targeted the association for involvement in fraudulent home-improvement schemes; and HUD was scrutinized for lax lending standards, blatant over appraisals, and shoddy housing. In this groundbreaking volume, Irving Welfeld, a senior analyst with HUD, describes and explains these episodes as well as a series of hidden blunders that have cost taxpayers billions of dollars.
In this thorough, firsthand account, Welfeld provides not only documented history, but analyses of events that arrive at different interpretations than Congress reached in its investigations. Throughout, his readings ask hard and probing questions: Where were the overseers--the media, Congress, the General Accounting Office, the Office of Management and Budget? To what extent is poor management the root cause of HUD's failures? Will tighter regulation help in keeping out corruption?
After his comprehensive survey of the scene, Welfeld offers solutions: a set of programs that would minimize secrecy on the part of federal administrators and the temptation to abuse the public trust. Most importantly, the programs outlined here will enable HUD to more effectively fulfill its mission to see that there is decent affordable housing for all Americans. This book will be of interest to scholars of public administration, political scientists, and analysts of housing issues.
"Steps Toward Making Every Vote Count" brings together the best analyses from the best qualified observers on developments in the growing movement to reform Canada's electoral system.
Among mature democracies, only the United States and Canada use the first-past-the-post (FPTP) system for electing all state and provincial, as well as national, lawmakers. In Canada the debate over the electoral system, which began in earnest after the 1997 federal election, is now moving from the university and think-tank seminar room to the floor of five provincial legislatures.
Four key chapters present up-to-date accounts of developments in BC, Qu?bec, PEI, and Ontario. They show the provinces moving at different speeds toward meeting an objective to propose a specific model of proportional representation that also ensures a continued role for directly elected representatives of specific geographic boundaries. Two chapters recount experiences in New Zealand and Scotland, which have adopted electoral plans attempting just such a balance. Others look at South Africa, Japan, France, and the United Stateseach selected for the light it casts on a specific aspect of electoral system reform. The remaining chapters consider various practical implications of changing Canada's electoral system - now a very real prospect.
In April 1956, Portland "Oregonian" investigative reporters Wallace Turner and William Lambert exposed organized crime rackets and rampant corruption within the city's law enforcement institutions. The biggest scandal involved Teamsters officials and the city's lucrative prostitution, gambling, and bootlegging operations. Turner and Lambert blew the cover on the Teamsters scheme to take over alcohol sales and distribution and profit from these fringe enterprises. The Rose City was seething with vice and intrigue.
The expose and other reports of racketeering from around the country incited a national investigation into crime networks and union officials headed by the McClellan Committee, or officially, the U.S. Senate Select Committee on Improper Activities in the Labor or Management Field. The Commission discovered evidence in Portland that helped prove Teamsters President Dave Beck's embezzlement of union funds and union Vice President Jimmy Hoffa's connection to the mob.
"Dark Rose" reveals the fascinating and sordid details of an important period in the history of what by the end of the century had become a great American city. It is a story of Portland's repeated and often failed efforts to flush out organized crime and municipal corruption-a familiar story for many mid-twentieth-century American cities that were attempting to clean up their police departments and municipal governments. "Dark Rose" also helps explain the heritage of Portland reform politics and the creation of what is today one of the country's most progressive cities.
""Dark Rose" takes readers inside a seamy and significant episode in Portland's history, complete with snitches, secret tapes, and a Congressional spotlight on the city's corruption that made it a national object lesson for municipal reform." -William Lang, Portland State University
"An absorbing account of a time when criminals, politicians, and labor leaders ran an open city of corruption, gambling, and prostitution, until a newspaper did its job. The book is gripping for the names you won't recognize, and the names you will." -David Sarasohn, "The Oregonian"
Robert C. Donnelly is assistant professor of history at Gonzaga University."
This book provides an introduction to state crime, with a particular focus on the UK.
The use of crime by the UK to achieve its policy and political
objectives is an underdeveloped aspect of academic study of
individual and institutional criminality, the exercise of political
power, public policy-making and political development. The book
provides an overview of definitional issues before exploring
possible examples of state crime in the UK and then considering why
state crime occurs and how it is investigated and
Overall, this book seeks to provide an introduction to state
crime for contemporary states which will facilitate the study of
such issues as part of mainstream academic study across a number of
Twenty years ago, the Commission of Inquiry into Possible Illegal Activities and Associated Police Misconduct, commonly referred to as the Fitzgerald Inquiry after its chair Mr G.E. (Tony) Fitzgerald, QC, tabled its findings in the Queensland Parliament after an exhaustive and sensational two years of public investigation. It was the fifth inquiry into police related matters in Queensland in 25 years, and originally expected by the government of the day to last about six weeks. Its findings and recommendations continue to have a significant effect on many aspects of public life in Queensland and beyond. The Fitzgerald Inquiry blueprint for reform has influenced police and public sector reform in other Australian States and internationally. This edited collection recalls the events that led up to the Fitzgerald Inquiry and examines the extraordinary influence the 'watershed' inquiry has had on police and public sector reform at the state, national and international levels. It assesses the extent to which the inquiry's vision for reform has been implemented, and whether it is still a viable reform agenda for contemporary governance problems.
A non-fiction book about corruption in the Australian Government, Judiciary and Federal Police. There is no doubt it will spark a Royal Commission. The book is a great read for anyone who has an interest in politics and non-fiction books on corruption. It is a must read for anyone in the legal fraternity especially law students and other students studying Ethics and Professional Responsibility. It allows the reader to be a fly on the wall as it happened and also see the abuses of the legal system from a practical perspective not just a theoretical viewpoint as most books on Ethics and Professional Responsibility are solely theory based. The book also deals with corruption by the directors of Fairfax Media and their lawyers Freehills, including the directors of Freehills. The book includes documented evidence and names names. Some of the highlights are, but not limited to: 1. Prima Facie cases against a number of judicial officers for breaching section 34 of the 1914 Crimes Act. 2. The Attorney General, Robert McClelland, trying to cover up the corruption and caught out lying about referring the corruption to the Federal Police. 3. The Prime Minister Kevin Rudd turning a blind eye to the corruption and his own criminal history. 4. The current directors of Fairfax Media being in contempt of court. 5. A current judge having a sexual relationship with one of the respondents while the judge was hearing the matter. 6. Transcript evidence of a judicial officer lying while on the bench in relation to having a personal interest in the matters. When I started asking to many questions he quickly transferred the matters to the Federal Court. 7. The fraudulent costs bill sent to the author by Freehills Lawyers on behalf of Fairfax Media which showed criminal conduct and fraud etc. So much so that they could never enforce the costs. 8. The criminal history of a judicial officer which includes price fixing and bribing a witness. Plus much more. The Commonwealth Ombudsman, Professor John McMillan, has openly stated in an ABC Four Corners interview (October 2008) that the Australian Federal Police do not want to know about corruption in their own department. He said he was also told this directly by senior Australian Federal Police. This in itself says there needs to be a Royal Commission. It is worth noting that the Federal Police and the Federal Courts are all part of the Attorney Generals Department. Some of the topics the book raises and/or deals with are: judicial bias - judicial corruption - bribes - perceived bias - actual bias - breaching the Barrister Rules - breaching the Solicitor Rules - lack of ethics - abusing procedural fairness - abuse of processes - delaying tactics - over charging - attempted fraud - criminal conduct - attempting to pervert the course of justice - fabricating evidence - dereliction of duty - shredding of evidence personal interest. Just for the record on the front and back covers there are pictures of the Author holding a sign Justice Moore takes bribes. The photos were tendered as part of an affidavit in court before Justice Moore. The book has further information on history of the photos.
2009 CHOICE Outstanding Academic Title If George Washington and Abraham Lincoln are the saints in America's civil religion, then the twenty-ninth president, Warren G. Harding, is our sinner. Prior to the Nixon administration, the Harding scandals were the most infamous of the twentieth century. Harding is consistently judged a failure, ranking dead last among his peers. By examining the public memory of Harding, Phillip G. Payne offers the first significant reinterpretation of his presidency in a generation. Rather than repeating the old stories, Payne examines the contexts and continued meaning of the Harding scandals for various constituencies. Payne explores such topics as Harding's importance as a midwestern small-town booster, his rumored black ancestry, the role of various biographers in shaping his early image, the tension between public memory and academic history, and, finally, his status as an icon of presidential failure in contemporary political debates. Harding was a popular president and was widely mourned when he died in office in 1923; but with his death began the construction of his public memory and his fall from political grace. In Dead Last, Payne explores how Harding's name became synonymous with corruption, cronyism, and incompetence and how it is used to this day as an example of what a president should not be.
William Reno provides a powerful, scholarly yet shocking account of the inner workings of an African state. He focuses upon the ties between foreign firms and African rulers in Sierra Leone, where politicians and warlords use private networks that exploit relationships with international businesses to buttress their wealth and so extend their powers of patronage. This permits them to expand the reach of their governments in unorthodox ways, but in the process they undermine the bureaucracty of their own states. Dr Reno suggests that as the post-colonial state is eroded there is a return to the enclave economies and private armies that characterised the pre-colonial and colonial arrangements between European businessmen or administrators and some African political figures.
In most countries, parliament has the constitutional mandate to both oversee government and to hold government to account; often, audit institutions, ombuds and anti-corruption agencies report to parliament, as a means of ensuring both their independence from government and reinforcing parliament's position at the apex of accountability institutions. At the same time, parliaments can also play a key role in promoting accountability, through constituency outreach, public hearings, and parliamentary commissions. This title will be of interest to parliamentarians and parliamentary staff, development practitioners, students of development and those interested in curbing corruption and improving governance in developing and developed countries alike.
While Fidel Castro maintains his longtime grip on Cuba, revolutionary scholars and policy analysts have turned their attention from how Castro succeeded (and failed), to how Castro himself will be succeeded-- by a new government. Among the many questions to be answered is how the new government will deal with the corruption that has become endemic in Cuba. Even though combating corruption cannot be the central aim of post-Castro policy, Sergio Di az-Briquets and Jorge Pe rez-Lo pez suggest that, without a strong plan to thwart it, corruption will undermine the new economy, erode support for the new government, and encourage organized crime. In short, unless measures are taken to stem corruption, the new Cuba could be as messy as the old Cuba.
Fidel Castro did not bring corruption to Cuba; he merely institutionalized it. Official corruption has crippled Cuba since the colonial period, but Castro's state-run monopolies, cronyism, and lack of accountability have made Cuba one of the world's most corrupt states. The former communist countries in Eastern Europe were also extremely corrupt, and analyses of their transitional periods suggest that those who have taken measures to control corruption have had more successful transitions, regardless of whether the leadership tilted toward socialism or democracy. To that end, Di az-Briquets and Pe rez-Lo pez, both Cuban Americans, do not advocate any particular system for Cuba's next government, but instead prescribe uniquely Cuban policies to minimize corruption whatever direction the country takes after Castro. As their work makes clear, averting corruption may be the most critical obstacle increating a healthy new Cuba.
Corruption is a threat to democracy and economic development in many societies. It arises in the ways people pursue, use and exchange wealth and power, and in the strength or weakness of the state, political and social institutions that sustain and restrain those processes. Differences in these factors, Michael Johnston argues, give rise to four major syndromes of corruption: Influence Markets, Elite Cartels, Oligarchs and Clans, and Official Moguls. In this 2005 book, Johnston uses statistical measures to identify societies in each group, and case studies to show that the expected syndromes do arise. Countries studied include the United States, Japan and Germany (Influence Markets); Italy, Korea and Botswana (Elite Cartels); Russia, the Philippines and Mexico (Oligarchs and Clans); and China, Kenya, and Indonesia (Offical Moguls). A concluding chapter explores reform, emphasising the ways familiar measures should be applied - or withheld, lest they do harm - with an emphasis upon the value of 'deep democratisation'.
This is the number one source book for the theft of the 2004 presidential election and control of the 2008 presidential contest, compiled by the reporters Rev. Jesse Jackson calls "the Woodward & Bernstein of the 2004 election." This blunt, hard-hitting digest outlines and sources point-by-point what happened in Ohio to in 2004 to give George W. Bush a second term. Written by the two reporters who made this a global story, there is no more essential guidebook for electoral politics in the new millennium.
The Real 911 TnT may soon be known as the mother of all conspiracy investigations, for herein lies the most provocative "alternative" evidence about America's greatest tragedy yet revealed. But because the occult significance of the September 11 attacks transcends any event in modern history, this is not just a revelation of past events; it is a gateway unlike any before it. The disturbing truths of 9/11 lie far beyond the high level government and corporate complicity that you may have read about elsewhere. These truths are of critical importance to every soul on earth, regardless of their knowledge or interest in world events. In fact, it might be said that the solution to this, the greatest of whodunits exists within the deepest depths imaginable. Once you have stepped through the portal made possible by 9/11, you become part of the story. But lace your boots up tight and prepare for a remarkable, challenging road. For this is not simply a trek through the muck and mire of global wealth and posturing, but an inner journey whose course and destination must be carefully evaluated. The Real 911 is an unprecedented fusion of theory and practice that balances traditional and ancient theologies against the very latest headlines. It takes scientific and social paradigms, even world religions to task in a take no prisoners fashion that today's political correctness seldom allows. By deciphering hidden messages, ancient symbolism and numerical subtexts in some very unexpected places, The Real 911 seeks not only to identify the true criminals responsible for the sacrifice of innocent Americans, but to unite that answer with the single most important question of all time: "Why are we here?" At the end of this comprehensive, spiritual and often paranormal journey, there is a small chance that you will be able to overlook the compelling new evidence that the universe had an intelligent designer.
Is corruption an inevitable part of the transition to a free-market economy? Yan Sun here examines the ways in which market reforms in the People's Republic of China have shaped corruption since 1978 and how corruption has in turn shaped those reforms. She suggests that recent corruption is largely a byproduct of post-Mao reforms, spurred by the economic incentives and structural opportunities in the emerging marketplace. Sun finds that the steady retreat of the state has both increased mechanisms for cadre misconduct and reduced disincentives against it. Chinese disciplinary offices, law enforcement agencies, and legal professionals compile and publish annual casebooks of economic crimes. The cases, processed in the Chinese penal system, represent offenders from party-state agencies at central and local levels as well as state firms of varying sizes and types of ownership. Sun uses these casebooks to illuminate the extent and forms of corruption in the People's Republic of China. Unintended and informal mechanisms arising from corruption may, she finds, take on a life of their own and undermine the central state's ability to implement its developmental policies, discipline its staff, enforce its regulatory infrastructure, and fundamentally transform the economy.
Since the turn of the millennium South Korea has continued to grapple with transgressions that shook the nation to its core. Following the serial killings of Korea's raincoat killer, the events that led to the dissolution of the United Progressive Party, the criminal negligence of the owner and also the crew members of the sunken Sewol Ferry, as well as the political scandals of 2016, there has been much public debate about morality, transparency, and the law in South Korea. Yet, despite its prevalence in public discourse, transgression in Korea has not received proper scholarly attention. Transgression in Korea challenges the popular conceptions of transgression as resistance to authority, the collapse of morality, and an attempt at self- empowerment. Examples of transgression from premodern, modern, and contemporary Korea are examined side by side to underscore the possibility of reading transgression in more ways than one. These examples are taken from a devotional screen from medieval Korea, trickster tales from the late Choson period, reports about flesheating humans, newspaper articles about same- sex relationships from colonial Korea, and films about extramarital affairs, wayward youths, and a vengeful vigilante. Bringing together specialists from various disciplines such as history, art history, anthropology, premodern literature, religion, and fi lm studies, the context- sensitive readings of transgression provided in this book suggest that transgression and authority can be seen as forming something other than an antagonistic relationship.
Throughout history, public corruption has been endemic. Exceptionally, it was significantly suppressed in modern times in northwestern Europe. Why did that happen? Why did politicians introduce measures that acted against their own interests? And are the political forces that then induced reform alive in today's world? Neild explores these highly topical questions by looking at the suppression of corruption in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in four countries - France, Germany, Britain and the USA; at the evolution of independent judiciaries; at developments in the twentieth century, including a reminder of how widely corruption was used as a weapon in the Cold War, particularly in the Third World. Finally, and most devastatingly, he analyses the rise and decline in standards of public life in Britain in the twentieth century.
Societies emerging from conflict, whose governing institutions typically are weak and inefficient, are particularly susceptible to corruption. Losing factions may use corrupt means to continue a bid for power or redress grievances, and winning factions find new powers to raid state coffers and siphon donor assistance funds. In "Negotiating Peace and Confronting Corruption," Bertram Spector argues that the peace negotiation table is the best place to lay the groundwork for good governance. Drawing from six case studies, Spector identifies key ingredients to building integrity into new governments: establishing cease-fires, negotiating future governance and anticorruption reforms, adequate and timely development assistance to implement the reforms, and continuing public participation in postagreement negotiations. The volume assesses the effectiveness of anticorruption measures and outlines best practices to build legitimate criminal justice systems, transparent and accountable legislative and political systems, effective governance practices, independent media, and sustainable economies in post-conflict societies.The author concludes that ending violence through a negotiated cease-fire is not likely, by itself, to be sufficient, but addressing one of the initiating causes of conflict corruption and abuse of power is likely to strengthen the economic, political, and social fabric necessary for long-lasting peace and growth. This volume offers lessons for analysts and practitioners on how to structure negotiations to provide post-conflict societies with a sustainable new beginning."
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