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The first reports seemed absurd. A Russian dissident, formerly an employee of the KGB and its successor, the FSB, had seemingly been poisoned in a London hotel. As Alexander Litvinenko's condition worsened, however, and he was transferred to hospital and placed under armed guard, the story took a sinister turn. On 23 November 2006, Litvinenko died, apparently from polonium-210 radiation poisoning. He himself, in a dramatic statement from his deathbed, accused his former employers at the Kremlin of being responsible for his murder. Who was Alexander Litvinenko? What had happened in Russia since the end of the Cold War to make his life there untenable, and even in severe jeopardy in Britain? How did he really die, and who killed him? In his spokesman and close friend, Alex Goldfarb, and widow Marina, we have two people who know more than anyone about the real Sasha Litvinenko, and about his murder. Their riveting book sheds astonishing light not just on these strange and troubling events but also on the biggest crisis in relations with Russia since the fall of the Berlin Wall.
1970s South Korea is characterized by many as the "dark age for democracy." Most scholarship on South Korea's democracy movement and civil society has focused on the "student revolution" in 1960 and the large protest cycles in the 1980s which were followed by Korea's transition to democracy in 1987. But in his groundbreaking work of political and social history of 1970s South Korea, Paul Chang highlights the importance of understanding the emergence and evolution of the democracy movement in this oft-ignored decade. Protest Dialectics journeys back to 1970s South Korea and provides readers with an in-depth understanding of the numerous events in the 1970s that laid the groundwork for the 1980s democracy movement and the formation of civil society today. Chang shows how the narrative of the 1970s as democracy's "dark age" obfuscates the important material and discursive developments that became the foundations for the movement in the 1980s which, in turn, paved the way for the institutionalization of civil society after transition in 1987. To correct for these oversights in the literature and to better understand the origins of South Korea's vibrant social movement sector this book presents a comprehensive analysis of the emergence and evolution of the democracy movement in the 1970s.
According to the United Nations, Myanmar's Rohingyas are one of the most persecuted minorities in the world. Only now has the media turned its attention to their plight at the hands of a country led by Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. Yet the signs of this genocide have been visible for years. For generations, this Muslim group has suffered routine discrimination, violence, arbitrary arrest and detention, extortion, and other abuses by the Buddhist majority. As horrifying massacres have unfolded in 2017, international human rights groups have accused the regime of complicity in an ethnic cleansing campaign against them. Authorities refuse to recognise the Rohingyas as one of Myanmar's 135 `national races', denying them citizenship rights in the country of their birth and severely restricting many aspects of ordinary life, from marriage to free movement. In this updated edition, Azeem Ibrahim chronicles the events leading up to the current, final cleansing of the Rohingya population, and issues a clarion call to protect a vulnerable, little known Muslim minority. He makes a powerful appeal to use the lessons of the twentieth century to stop this genocide in the twenty-first.
Argentina is famous for its ties with fascism as well as its welcoming of Nazi war criminals after World War II. At mid-century, it was the home of Peronism. It was also the birthplace of the Dirty War and one of Latin America's most criminal dictatorships in the 1970s and early 1980s. How and why did all of these regimes emerge in a country that was "born liberal"? Why did these authoritarian traits first emerge in Argentina under the shadow of fascism? In this book, Federico Finchelstein tells the history of modern Argentina as seen from the perspective of political violence and ideology. He focuses on the theory and practice of the fascist idea in Argentine political culture throughout the twentieth century, analyzing the connections between fascist theory and the Holocaust, antisemitism, and the military junta's practices of torture and state violence, with its networks of concentration camps and extermination. The book demonstrates how the state's war against its citizens was rooted in fascist ideology, explaining the Argentine variant of fascism, formed by nacionalistas, and its links with European fascism and Catholicism. It particularly emphasizes the genocidal dimensions of the persecution of Argentine Jewish victims. The destruction of the rule of law and military state terror during the Dirty War, Finchelstein shows, was the product of many political and ideological reformulations and personifications of fascism. The Ideological Origins of the Dirty War provides a genealogy of state-sanctioned terror, revealing fascism as central to Argentina's political culture and its violent twentieth century.
In this engrossing analysis, Cavanaugh contends that the Eucharist
is the Church's response to the use of torture as a social
discipline. The author develops a theology of the political which
presents torture as one instance of a larger confrontation of
powers over bodies, both individual and social. He argues that a
Christian practice of the political is embodied in Jesus' own
torture at the hands of the powers of this world. The analysis of
torture therefore is situated within wider discussions in the
fields of ecclesiology and the state, social ethics and human
rights, and sacramental theology.
The book focuses on the experience of Chile and the Catholic
Church there, before and during the military dictatorship of
General Augusto Pinochet Ugarte, 1973-1990. Cavanaugh has
first-hand experience of working with the Church in Chile, and his
interviews with ecclesiastical officials and grassroots Church
workers speak directly to the reader. The book uses this example to
examine the theoretical bases of twentieth-century "social
catholicism" and its inability to resist the disciplines of the
state, in contrast to a truer Christian practice of the political
in the Eucharist.
The book as a whole ties eucharistic theology to concrete eucharistic practice, showing that the Eucharist is not a "symbol" but a real cathartic summary of the practices by which God forms people into the Body of Christ, producing a sense of communion stronger than that of any nation-state.
'Two Romes have fallen. The third stands. And there will be no fourth.' So spoke Russian monk Hegumen Filofei of Pskov in 1510, proclaiming Muscovite Russia as heirs to the legacy of the Roman Empire following the collapse of the Byzantine Empire. The so-called 'Third Rome Doctrine' spurred the creation of the Russian Orthodox Church, although just a century later a further schism occurred, with the Old Believers (or 'Old Ritualists') challenging Patriarch Nikon's liturgical and ritualistic reforms and laying their own claim to the mantle of Roman legacy. While scholars have commonly painted the subsequent history of the Old Believers as one of survival in the face of persistent persecution at the hands of both tsarist and church authorities, Peter De Simone here offers a more nuanced picture. Based on research into extensive, yet mostly unknown, archival materials in Moscow, he shows the Old Believers as versatile and opportunistic, and demonstrates that they actively engaged with, and even challenged, the very notion of the spiritual and ideological place of Moscow in Imperial Russia.Ranging in scope from Peter the Great to Lenin, this book will be of use to all scholars of Russian and Orthodox Church history.
A Human Being Died That Night recounts an extraordinary dialogue. Pumla Gobodo-Madikizela, a psychologist who grew up in a black South African township, reflects on her interviews with Eugene de Kock, the commanding officer of state-sanctioned death squads under apartheid. Gobodo-Madikizela met with de Kock in Pretoria's maximum-security prison, where he is serving a 212-year sentence for crimes against humanity. In profoundly arresting scenes, Gobodo-Madikizela conveys her struggle with contradictory internal impulses to hold him accountable and to forgive. Ultimately, as she allows us to witness de Kock's extraordinary awakening of conscience, she illuminates the ways in which the encounter compelled her to redefine the value of remorse and the limits of forgiveness.
-16 DegreesC, sunlight, silence. I drove the children to school, then went to see the revolution. I walked between the tents. Talked with rev-olutionaries. They were weary today. The air was thick with the smell of old campfires. Ukraine Diaries is acclaimed writer Andrey Kurkov's first-hand account of the ongoing crisis in his country. From his flat in Kiev, just five hundred yards from Independence Square, Kurkov can smell the burning barricades and hear the sounds of grenades and gunshot. Kurkov's diaries begin on the first day of the pro-European protests in November, and describe the violent clashes in the Maidan, the impeachment of Yanukovcyh, Russia's annexation of Crimea and the separatist uprisings in the east of Ukraine. Going beyond the headlines, they give vivid insight into what it's like to live through - and try to make sense of - times of intense political unrest.
The essays collected in "Persecution and the Art of Writing" all
deal with one problem--the relation between philosophy and
politics. Here, Strauss sets forth the thesis that many
philosophers, especially political philosophers, have reacted to
the threat of persecution by disguising their most controversial
and heterodox ideas.
After isolated terrorist incidents in 2015, the Chinese leadership has cracked down hard on Xinjiang and its Uyghurs. Today, there are thought to be up to a million Muslims held in 're-education camps' in the Xinjiang region of North-West China. One of the few Western commentators to have lived in the region, journalist Nick Holdstock travels into the heart of the province and reveals the Uyghur story as one of repression, hardship and helplessness. China's Forgotten People explains why repression of the Muslim population is on the rise in the world's most powerful one-party state. This updated and revised edition reveals the background to the largest known concentration camp network in the modern world, and reflects on what this means for the way we think about China.
This new study offers a fresh interpretation of apartheid South Africa. Emerging out of the author's long-standing interests in the history of racial segregation, and drawing on a great deal of new scholarship, archival collections, and personal memoirs, he situates apartheid in global as well as local contexts. The overall conception of Apartheid, 1948-1994 is to integrate studies of resistance with the analysis of power, paying attention to the importance of ideas, institutions, and culture. Saul Dubow refamiliarises and defamiliarise apartheid so as to approach South Africa's white supremacist past from unlikely perspectives. He asks not only why apartheid was defeated, but how it survived so long. He neither presumes the rise of apartheid nor its demise. This synoptic reinterpretation is designed to introduce students to apartheid and to generate new questions for experts in the field.
Blocking out, turning a blind eye, shutting off, not wanting to
know, wearing blinkers, seeing what we want to see ... these are
all expressions of 'denial'. Alcoholics who refuse to recognize
their condition, people who brush aside suspicions of their
partner's infidelity, the wife who doesn't notice that her husband
is abusing their daughter - are supposedly 'in denial'. Governments
deny their responsibility for atrocities, and plan them to achieve
'maximum deniability'. Truth Commissions try to overcome the
suppression and denial of past horrors. Bystander nations deny
their responsibility to intervene.
Do these phenomena have anything in common? When we deny, are we
aware of what we are doing or is this an unconscious defence
mechanism to protect us from unwelcome truths? Can there be
cultures of denial? How do organizations like Amnesty and Oxfam try
to overcome the public's apparent indifference to distant suffering
and cruelty? Is denial always so bad - or do we need positive
illusions to retain our sanity?
"States of Denial" is the first comprehensive study of both the personal and political ways in which uncomfortable realities are avoided and evaded. It ranges from clinical studies of depression, to media images of suffering, to explanations of the 'passive bystander' and 'compassion fatigue'. The book shows how organized atrocities - the Holocaust and other genocides, torture, and political massacres - are denied by perpetrators and by bystanders, those who stand by and do nothing.
The concentrations camps that existed in the colonised world at the turn of the 20th Century are a vivid reminder of the atrocities committed by imperial powers on indigenous populations. This study explores British, American and Spanish camp cultures, analysing debates over their legitimacy and current discussions on retributive justice.
The persecution and mass-murder of the Jews during World War II would not have been possible without the modern organization of division of labor. Moreover, the perpetrators were dependent on human and organizational resources they could not always control by hierarchy and coercion. Instead, the persecution of the Jews was based, to a large extent, on a web of inter-organizational relations encompassing a broad variety of non-hierarchical cooperation as well as rivalry and competition. Based on newly accessible government and corporate archives, this volume combines fresh evidence with an interpretation of the governance of persecution, presented by prominent historians and social scientists. Gerald D. Feldman is Professor of History and Director of the Institute of European Studies at the University of California, Berkeley. His special fields of interest are 20th-century German history, and he has a special interest in business history, most recently authoring a biography of Hugo Stinnes, participating in the history of the Deutsche Bank, and writing a history of the Allianz Insurance Company in the Nazi period. He has recently started work on a history of the Austrian banks under National Socialism. Wolfgang Seibel is Professor of Political Science at the University of Konstanz, Germany. Previous appointments include guest professorships at the Institute for Advanced Study, Vienna (1992), and the University of California at Berkeley (1994). He was also a temporary member of the School of Social Science (1989/90) and of the School of Historical Studies (2003) of the Institute of Advanced Study, Princeton. Currently (2004/2005) he is a fellow of the Wissenschaftskolleg zu Berlin. His research is mainly devoted to issues of politics, public bureaucracy and non-governmental organizations.
The author, a former Soviet sociologist, describes the ties between the political regime and the intellectuals of that state. Beginning with the end of Stalin's rule, he explores what he sees as the mutual co-operation and antagonism that has existed between political leaders and intellectuals. The book examines such topics as the role of literature and film in political opposition, and the attempts by the KGB to sow the seeds of mental disturbance among the opponents of the state. The book ends with an analysis of glasnost which, it claims, has revealed a divergence of opinion among Soviet intellectuals, which their united opposition to the more oppressive regimes had somewhat concealed.
Millions of immigrants risk deportation and imprisonment by living in the US without legal status. They are living underground, with little protection from exploitation at the hands of human smugglers, employers, or law enforcement. Underground America presents the remarkable oral histories of men and women struggling to carve a life for themselves in the US.
The USSR's Writer's Union, a form of cultural and political organization unknown in the West, has ruled every aspect of Russian writers' private and professional lives from the time of Stalin to the present day. This book shows how the union has operated over the last five decades.
"By opening Anatoly Marchenko's final book, the reader will sense the fate and soul of one of the few remarkable people of our time" wrote Andrei Sakharov. Anatoly Marchenko was a working class Soviet dissident, who died for his beliefs at the hands of the Soviet state. In this poignant memoir, Marchenko completes a remarkable series of autobiographical works which started with "My Testimony" and continued with "From Tarusa to Chuna". Born to a provincial railway worker's family in Siberia, Marchenko experienced a brutish upbringing. Driven by a passionate desire to expose the seamy underside of Soviet society, he became a human-rights activist, and began his epic battle with the Soviet authorities. This is his memoir of that battle. It provides a rare insight into a world inhabited by those who live "where the asphalt ends". An afterword by Lisa Bogoraz, Marclienko's wife, completes this document of a life spent in dissent. Anatoly Marchenko was the first dissident to expose the post-Stalin system of camps and prisons. He died of a cerebral haemorrhage in Chistopol prison in 1986, after spending 20 of his 48 years in the Soviet penal system.
This book provides a sophisticated investigation into the experience of being exterminated, as felt by victims of the Holocaust, and compares and contrasts this analysis with the experiences of people who have been colonized or enslaved. Using numerous victim accounts and a wide range of primary sources, the book moves away from the 'continuity thesis', with its insistence on colonial intent as the reason for victimization in relation to other historical examples of mass political violence, to look at the victim experience on its own terms. By affording each constituent case study its own distinctive aspects, The Victims of Slavery, Colonization and the Holocaust allows for a more enriching comparison of victim experience to be made that respects each group of victims in their uniqueness. It is an important, innovative volume for all students of the Holocaust, genocide and the history of mass political violence.
The on-going Eurozone crisis frequently makes front page news, but aspects of its deeper implications are more rarely discussed in media. In Crisis and Migration the authors analyse the current situation and its effects on politics and migration. In case studies they show how the economic downturn affects daily life on a local, national, and European level. The authors reflect on the crisis from mutually rewarding micro-to-macro perspectives. Their focus is geared away from the crisis as an acute phenomenon -- instead they investigate it as a potential symptom of a chronic decline of the EU in relation to other regions. It is imperative to address the long-term consequences of the development and that scholars engage in that critical discussion. Alongside its senior authors, Crisis and Migration features contributors of a new generation of scholars who are likely to be prominent in the field in years to come. The book is vital reading for researchers in migration and European studies, policymakers, and journalists.
Scrutinises the political strategies and ideological evolution of Islamist actors and forces following the Arab uprisingsWhat role does political Islam play in the genealogy of protests as an instrument to resist neo-liberalism and authoritarian rule? How can we account for the internal conflicts among Islamist players after the 2011/2012 Arab uprisings? How can we assess the performance of Islamist parties in power? What geopolitical reconfigurations have the uprisings created, and what opportunities have arisen for Islamists to claim a stronger political role in domestic and regional politics? These questions are addressed in this book, which looks at the dynamics in place during the aftermath of the Arab uprisings in a wide range of countries across the Middle East and North Africa.Key features22 case studies explain the diverse trajectories of political Islam since 2011 in Bahrain, Egypt, Iraq, Iran, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Qatar, Syria, Tunisia, Turkey and YemenProvides a comprehensive analysis of political Islam covering intra-Islamist pluralisation and conflict, governance and accountability issues, 'secular-Islamist' contention, responses to neo-liberal development and the resurgence of sectarianism and militancyOffers a set of innovative approaches to the study of political Islam in the post-Arab spring era that open new possibilities for theory development in the fieldContributorsIbrahim Al-Marashi, California State University San MarcosNazli Cagin Bilgili, Istanbul Kultur UniversitySouhail Belhadj, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies in GenevaFrancesco Cavatorta, Laval University, QuebecCherine Chams El-Dine, Cairo UniversityKaterina Dalacoura, London School of Economics and Political Science Jerome Drevon, University of Oxford Vincent Durac, University College Dublin and Bethlehem UniversityLaura Ruiz de Elvira Carrascal, French Institut de Recherche pour le Developpement (IRD), ParisMelissa Finn, University of WaterlooCourtney Freer, London School of Economics and Political Science Angela Joya, University of OregonWanda Krause, Royal Roads UniversityMohammed Masbah, Chatham House and Brandeis UniversityAlam Saleh, Lancaster UniversityJillian Schwedler, City University of New York's Hunter College Mariz Tadros, University of Sussex Truls Tonnessen, Georgetown UniversityMarc Valeri, University of Exeter Anne Wolf, University of CambridgeLuciano Zaccara, Qatar UniversityBarbara Zollner, Birkbeck College
Since the collapse of the Soviet Union a quarter of a century ago, Russia has undergone a dizzying and complex transition that has seen it transform from a communist state into a democracy before regressing back to the more authoritarian regime that exists today. Through a compelling and insightful analysis of the Russian case, this book explores the role that social welfare plays in regime transitions, specifically it examines the role that gender and social welfare has played in Russia's often chaotic post-communist political evolution, from Boris Yeltsin's assumption of the presidency in 1991 to Vladimir Putin's return for a third term as president in 2012. From 2001 to 2011, social welfare (especially pronatalist policies) was a key part of the political leadership's governance strategy. A shift from pluralism to regulation accompanied a discourse in which strong government would rein-in a wayward society. But can a hierarchical political system satisfy the aspirations of a changing citizenry? This study demonstrates that gender is at the very centre of debates over the authenticity of democracy in Russia.
Confronting the truths of Canada's Indian Residential School system has been likened to waking a sleeping giant. In this book, David B. MacDonald uses genocide as an analytical tool to better understand Canada's past and present relationships between settlers and Indigenous peoples. Starting with a discussion of how genocide is defined in domestic and international law, the book applies the concept to the forced transfer of Indigenous children to residential schools and the "Sixties Scoop," in which Indigenous children were taken from their communities and placed in foster homes or adopted. Based on archival research and extensive interviews with residential school survivors, officials at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, and others, The Sleeping Giant Awakens offers a unique and timely perspective on the prospects for conciliation after genocide, exploring how moving forward together is difficult in a context where many settlers know little of the residential schools and the ongoing legacies of colonization, and need to have a better conception of Indigenous rights. It offers a detailed analysis of how the TRC approached genocide in its deliberations and in the Final Report. Crucially, MacDonald engages critics who argue that the term genocide impedes understanding of the IRS system and imperils prospects for conciliation. By contrast, this book sees genocide recognition as an important basis for meaningful discussions of how to engage Indigenous-settler relations in respectful and proactive ways.
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