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First published by Cornell in 1971, The Fear of Conspiracy brings together eighty-five speeches, documents, and writings the authors of which range from George Washington to Stokely Carmichael that illustrate the role played in American history by the fear of conspiracy and subversion. This book, documenting two centuries of conspiracy-mongering (1763-1966), highlights the American tendency to search for subversive enemies and to construct terrifying dangers from fragmentary and highly circumstantial evidence."
Given recent controversies over suspected WMD programs in proliferating countries, there is an increasingly urgent need for effective monitoring and verification regimes-the international mechanisms, including on-site inspections, intended in part to clarify the status of WMD programs in suspected proliferators. Yet the strengths and limitations of these nonproliferation and arms control mechanisms remain unclear. How should these regimes best be implemented? What are the technological, political, and other limitations to these tools? What technologies and other innovations should be utilized to make these regimes most effective? How should recent developments, such as the 2015 Iran nuclear deal or Syria's declared renunciation and actual use of its chemical weapons, influence their architecture? The Politics of Weapons Inspections examines the successes, failures, and lessons that can be learned from WMD monitoring and verification regimes in order to help determine how best to maintain and strengthen these regimes in the future. In addition to examining these regimes' technological, political, and legal contexts, Nathan E. Busch and Joseph F. Pilat reevaluate the track record of monitoring and verification in the historical cases of South Africa, Libya, and Iraq; assess the prospects of using these mechanisms in verifying arms control and disarmament; and apply the lessons learned from these cases to contemporary controversies over suspected or confirmed programs in North Korea, Iran, and Syria. Finally, they provide a forward-looking set of policy recommendations for the future.
The thought of Antonio Gramsci continues to enjoy widespread appeal in contemporary political and social theory. This book draws together some of the world's leading scholars on Gramsci to critically explore key ideas, debates and themes in his work in an accessible manner, relating them to contemporary politics and society.
This is a comprehensive exploration of theories of citizenship and inclusiveness in an age of globalization. The authors analyze democracy and the political community in a transnational context, using new critical, conceptual and normative perspectives on the borders, territories and political agents of the state.
Dangerous Talk examines the "lewd, ungracious, detestable,
opprobrious, and rebellious-sounding" speech of ordinary men and
women who spoke scornfully of kings and queens. Eavesdropping on
lost conversations, it reveals the expressions that got people into
trouble, and follows the fate of some of the offenders. Introducing
stories and characters previously unknown to history, David Cressy
explores the contested zones where private words had public
consequence. Though "words were but wind," as the proverb had it,
malicious tongues caused social damage, seditious words challenged
political authority, and treasonous speech imperiled the crown.
Popular Spanish Film Under Franco is the first book of its kind to analyze cinematic comedy during the initial two decades of Francisco Franco's dictatorship. Focusing on the intersection between popular culture and political populism, it breaks new theoretical ground in re-evaluating the policies of the regime and the tactics employed by those who sought to undermine it. Its cultural studies approach - combining Gramsci, de Certeau and Bakhtin - interrogates the ambiguous nature of subversion and challenges common assumptions concerning post-war Spanish film.
Radicals, feminists, environmentalists. Activists for animal rights, human rights, civil rights. There are plenty of rebels and dissidents putting their asses on the line. Conversely, there's never been a shortage of reactionaries seeking to repress such vision and passion. Learning how to fight and/or defend yourself is not the same as promoting belligerent, anti-social behavior. While talk of non-violence is understandable and the struggle for peace has never been more essential, let's face it: The odds are that sooner or later you're going to end up in a confrontation that may escalate into physical violence. So, why not be prepared? Self-Defense for Radicals will get you off and running in the right direction. From eye gouges to groin punches--you'll find a powerful collection of tactics with which we can fight back. Interspersed with words of wisdom and guidance from Emma Goldman, Bruce Lee, Angela Davis, and even Patrick Swayze, this pocket-sized pamphlet will inspire readers to not only speak truth to power but also deliver a sharp elbow to power's jutting jaw.
While much of the US media and the professional political classes whip themselves into a frenzy as to how President Trump got into office and how he is behaving there, the views that really matter - as always - are those of the voters. In her first book, RTE's former Washington Correspondent Caitriona Perry goes beyond the news reports and delves into the American heartland where she witnessed the rise of Donald Trump at first hand. Speaking to the people who voted for President Trump, she brings to the table the voices of the American people who, too-long ignored and on the edges of an increasingly divided society, rallied their votes and shook the world. In speaking to the workers of the industrial heartland, the women of America, the voices of the immigrant communities, In America answers the question everyone is asking in the wake of one of the most shocking election results in modern times - how did this happen? A new afterword reflects on Donald Trump's presidency to date and revisits the people spoken to in 2016, giving a valuable insight into what we can expect from election 2020. Top 10 book on the Donald Trump presidency. The Independent, UK Nominated for the BGEIBAS Non-Fiction Book of the Year Award `An illuminating travelogue which helps to shed some light on the multifarious reasons why ordinary voters backed the reality TV star.' The Independent (UK). `A revealing and insightful piece of reportage by a journalist who refuses to become part of the story.' The Sunday Business Post `In America is a worthwhile and eminently readable book ... the version of Trump's America that Perry presents brings many essential and revealing factors into sharp focus.' The Irish Times `A tour-de-force analysis of the current state of play in American politics.' Larry Donnelly, political commentator and lecturer in the School of Law at NUIG `Spellbindingly good. Journeying across America, Caitriona Perry masterfully takes us into the hearts and minds of those who voted for Donald Trump. A triumph of a book.' Prof. Gary Murphy, Head of the School of Law and Government, DCU
Examining the relationship between sedition and liberal democracies, particularly in India, this book looks at the biography of sedition laws, its contradictory position against free speech, and democratic ethics. Recent sedition cases registered in India show that the law in its wide and diverse deployment was used against agitators in a community-based pro-reservation movement, group of university students for their alleged 'anti-national' statements, anti-liquor activists, and anti-nuclear movement, to name a few. Set against its contemporary use, this book has used sedition as a lens to probe the fate of political speech in liberal democracy. The lived reality of the law of sedition in changing anthropological sites is juxtaposed with its positivist existence. Anushka Singh uses a comparative framework keeping in focus the Indian experience backed by fieldwork in Haryana, Maharashtra, and Delhi, and includes a comparative perspective from England, the USA, and Australia to contribute to debates on sedition within liberal democracies at large, especially in the wake of the proliferation of counter-terror legislations.
After the Restoration, parliamentarians continued to identify with the decisions to oppose and resist crown and established church. This was despite the fact that expressing such views between 1660 and 1688 was to open oneself to charges of sedition or treason. This book uses approaches from the field of memory studies to examine 'seditious memories' in seventeenth-century Britain, asking why people were prepared to take the risk of voicing them in public. It argues that such activities were more than a manifestation of discontent or radicalism - they also provided a way of countering experiences of defeat. Besides speech and writing, parliamentarian and republican views are shown to have manifested as misbehaviour during official commemorations of the civil wars and republic. The book also considers how such views were passed on from the generation of men and women who experienced civil war and revolution to their children and grandchildren. -- .
In "Becoming the Tupamaros," Lindsey Churchill explores an alternative narrative of US-Latin American relations by challenging long-held assumptions about the nature of revolutionary movements like the Uruguayan Tupamaros group. A violent and innovative organization, the Tupamaros demonstrated that Latin American guerrilla groups during the Cold War did more than take sides in a battle of Soviet and US ideologies. Rather, they digested information and techniques without discrimination, creating a homegrown and unique form of revolution.
During the middle and late 1960s, public concern about the environment grew rapidly, as did Congressional interest in addressing environmental problems. Then, in 1970, a dramatic series of bipartisan actions were taken to expand the national government's efforts to control the volume and types of substances that pollute the air, water, and land. In that year, President Richard Nixon signed into law the National Environmental Policy Act, which established for the first time a national policy on the environment and created the Council on Environmental Quality (CEQ). Additionally, President Nixon created, with Congressional support, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), and he signed into law the Clean Air Act of 1970, which had overwhelming bipartisan support in Congress. The strong bipartisan consensus on the need to protect environmental and human health began to erode, however, during the middle and late 1970s as other domestic and foreign policy problems rose to the top of the public and legislative agendas. Ronald Reagan's election to the Presidency in 1980 marked a dramatic shift in both environmental policymaking and administration. Over the thirty years that followed Reagan's election, environmental politics and administration became increasingly polarized. In this book, James K. Conant and Peter J. Balint examine the trajectory of environmental policy and administration in the United States by looking at the development of the CEQ and EPA. They look at changes in budgetary and staffing resources over time as well as the role of quality of leadership as key indicators of capacity and vitality. As well, they make correlations between the agencies' fortunes and various social, political, and economic variables. Conant and Balint cautiously predict that both agencies are likely to survive over the next twenty years, but that they will both experience continuing volatility as their life histories unfold.
Curtis J. Austin's ""Up Against the Wall"" chronicles how violence brought about the founding of the Black Panther Party in 1966 by Huey P. Newton and Bobby Seale, dominated its policies, and finally destroyed the party as one member after another - Eldridge Cleaver, Fred Hampton, Alex Rackley - left the party, was killed, or was imprisoned. Austin shows how the party's early emphasis in the 1960s on self-defense, though sorely needed in black communities at the time, left it open to mischaracterization, infiltration, and devastation by local, state, and federal police forces and government agencies. Austin carefully highlights the internal tension between advocates of a more radical position than the Panthers took, who insisted on military confrontation with the state, and those such as Newton and David Hilliard, who believed in community organizing and alliance building as first priorities.Austin interviewed a number of party members who had heretofore remained silent. With the help of these stories, Austin is able to put the violent history of the party in perspective and show that the ""survival"" programs, such as the Free Breakfast for Children program and Free Health Clinics, helped the black communities they served to recognize their own bases of power and ability to save themselves.
The National Asset Management Agency (NAMA) was created in 2009 to contain the spiralling fallout from Ireland's property and banking collapse. Its job was to get the maximum return from the sale of assets for the Irish people and help pay down the state's massive debts. Riven with secrecy and scandal in recent years, however, NAMA has consistently fought off accusations of corruption, insider dealing and conflicts of interest Here, and for the first time, bestselling investigative journalist, Frank Connolly, details how mismanagement has handed valuable assets belonging to the Irish people to a small coterie of international venture capitalists and created a vibrant trade in state secrets. Based on exclusive interviews with a wide range of interested parties, NAMA-land is the shocking story of how the sale of public assets conspired to disinherit the Irish people and enrich a new local elite.
The history of communism in Malaya (including Singapore) almost coincided with the rise and fall of communism worldwide, best epitomized in Europe by the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. Operating through the Malayan Communist Party, communism posed an existential threat to Malaya. While the communist threat in peninsular Malaya was manifested dramatically in armed struggle with guerrillas in the jungle, in Singapore it was primarily in the form of united front subversive activities, interspersed with episodes of violence and assassinations. This new book examines the MCP's quest for political power in Singapore in the midst of a raging Cold War between communism and the free world, with particular focus on events in the 1950s and 1960s. From its close collaboration with the two leading communist great powers (USSR and China) to its united front strategy of infiltrating student, trade union and political organizations, the MCP's activities are related here in a clear and engaging manner.
There has been growing concern about "failed states" around the world, and since the massacre of the Royal family in Nepal in 2001 increasing media attention has focused on the decline of the state and the rise of the Maoist rebels in this Himalayan kingdom where so many Westerners have taken trekking vacations. Development was always going to be a problem in Nepal, but few predicted the precipitous collapse of the state in rural areas in the face of the Maoist insurgency beginning in 1996 due, to a large extent, to the failure of the state to deliver promised development and benefits; instead, it became more and more authoritarian, even oppressive. Exploring the complex relationship between a modernizing, developmentalist state and the people it professes to represent, these fascinating and readable accounts of ordinary people's lives depict the various contexts out of which the Maoist insurgency grew.
Treason is the only crime explicitly defined in America's Constitution, and treason charges have been brought less than 30 times in American history. Yet, time and again throughout American history, cries of "treason" ring out against someone or some group whose actions seem to toe the line between American dissent and American betrayal. If This Be Treason covers a half-dozen cases of near-treason, from the 18th Century's George Logan to today's Edward Snowden, providing a unique lens through which to view American history, partisan politics, global politics, how freedom of the press and free speech have evolved in American life, and how rogue acts of dissent have changed the American path.
Can we make sense of anarchism or is that an oxymoron? Guided by the principle that someone else's rationality is not an empirical finding but a methodological presumption, this book addresses that question as it investigates the ideas and action of one of the most prominent and underrated anarchists of all times: the Italian, Errico Malatesta.
Dangerous Talk examines the 'lewd, ungracious, detestable, opprobrious, and rebellious-sounding' speech of ordinary men and women who spoke scornfully of kings and queens. Eavesdropping on lost conversations, it reveals the expressions that got people into trouble, and follows the fate of some of the offenders. Introducing stories and characters previously unknown to history, David Cressy explores the contested zones where private words had public consequence. Though 'words were but wind', as the proverb had it, malicious tongues caused social damage, seditious words challenged political authority, and treasonous speech imperilled the crown. Royal regimes from the house of Plantagenet to the house of Hanover coped variously with 'crimes of the tongue' and found ways to monitor talk they deemed dangerous. Their response involved policing and surveillance, judicial intervention, political propaganda, and the crafting of new law. In early Tudor times to speak ill of the monarch could risk execution. By the end of the Stuart era similar words could be dismissed with a shrug. This book traces the development of free speech across five centuries of popular political culture, and shows how scandalous, seditious and treasonable talk finally gained protection as 'the birthright of an Englishman'. The lively and accessible work of a prize-winning social historian, it offers fresh insight into pre-modern society, the politics of language, and the social impact of the law.
This book is based on extensive research and regular visits to East Timor since 1995. It considers the trials that the people of East Timor have undergone in their long struggle for independence, and issues that have arisen out of independence. This account places East Timor within the context of other post-colonial states, noting the problems that most of them have faced in coming to grips with their new-found freedoms, and how they have managed, or mismanaged, such freedoms. It also traces the themes and issues within the independence movement, noting how these have contributed to post-independence outcomes, in particular the political tensions that almost saw East Timor collapse as a viable state in 2006. The books concludes with an assessment of the 2007 elections which, despite some post-election violence, saw the consolidation of democratic processes in East Timor, and which marked it as having a brighter future in this one critical respect.
A new and innovative form of dissent has emerged in response to the Israeli occupation of Palestine. Dubbed "electronic jihad", this approach has seen organized groups of Palestinian hackers make international headlines by breaching the security of such sites as the Tel Aviv Stock Exchange, AVG, Avira, Whatsapp, and BitDefender. Though initially confined to small clandestine groups, "hacktivism" is now increasingly being adopted by militant Palestinian parties, including Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad, who have gone so far as to incorporate hackers into their armed brigades. Digital Jihad is the first book to explore this rapidly evolving and still little understood aspect of the Palestinian resistance movement. Drawing on extensive interviews with hackers and other activists, it provides a unique and fascinating new perspective on the Palestinian struggle.
As democracy encounters increasing difficulties, many citizens are turning to the domain of alternative politics, and in so doing, making considerable use of the Web and other new communication technologies. Clearly this is having significant impact, and we see that new modes of political participation and even political cultures are emerging. Yet, we would be foolish to expect some simple 'techno-fix' for democracy; its problems are more complex than that. This volume analyses various factors that shape such Web-facilitated participation, including features of the Web itself as well as broader societal realities. Avoiding simplistic optimism or pessimism, the discussion highlights the tensions and force-fields that impact on participation. The presentation also addresses several key topics in regard to citizens' engagement, such as civic subjectivity, web intellectuals, and cosmopolitanism. While anchored in an extensive literature and wide theoretical vistas, the book is written in a clear and accessible style.
As democracy encounters increasing difficulties, many citizens are turning to the domain of alternative politics and, in doing so, making considerable use of the Web and other new communication technologies. Clearly this is having significant impact, and new modes of political participation and even political cultures are emerging. In this volume, Peter Dahlgren analyses various factors that shape such Web-facilitated participation, including features of the Web itself as well as broader societal realities.
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