Soon after the September 11th attacks, a number of Sikh men were targeted and killed; mistaken as Muslims. Such hate crimes are only a new twist on what has become a familiar story. Children at a Jewish daycare centre in California were attacked by an anti-Semitic gunman. In Texas, a black man was dragged to death from the back of a pick-up truck. And, of course, we all remember the brutal murder of Matthew Shepperd, a young gay man from Montana.
All are cases of hate crimes. Whether motivated by race, gender, religion, ethnicity, or sexuality, hate crimes happen every day and in every state across the country. Hate and Bias Crime: A Reader is the first reader to bring together the essential readings on hate and bias crime, its causes and consequences, victims, hate groups and interventions.

Hate crimes against Native Americans are a common occurrence, Barbara Perry reveals, although most go unreported. In this eye-opening book, Perry shines a spotlight on these acts, which are often hidden in the shadows of crime reports. She argues that scholarly and public attention to the historical and contemporary victimization of Native Americans as tribes or nations has blinded both scholars and citizens alike to the victimization of individual Native Americans. It is these acts against individuals that capture her attention. Silent Victims is a unique contribution to the literature on hate crime. Because most extant literature treats hate crimesaeven racial violencearather generically, this work breaks new ground with its findings. For this book, Perry interviewed nearly 300 Native Americans and gathered additional data in three geographic areas: the Four Corners region of the U.S. Southwest, the Great Lakes, and the Northern Plains. In all of these locales, she found that bias-related crime oppresses and segregates Native Americans. Perry is well aware of the history of colonization in North America and its attendant racial violence. She argues that the legacy of violence today can be traced directly to the genocidal practices of early settlers, and she adds valuable insights into the ways in which aIndiansa have been constructed as the Other by the prevailing culture. Perryas interviews with Native Americans recount instances of appalling treatment, often at the hands of law enforcement officials. In her conclusion, Perry draws from her research and interviews to suggest ways in which Native Americans can be empowered to defend themselves against all forms of racist victimization.

This book comprehensively examines right-wing extremism (RWE) in Canada, discussing the lengthy history of violence and distribution, ideological bases, actions, organizational capacity and connectivity of these extremist groups. It explores the current landscape, the factors that give rise to and minimise these extremist groups, strategies for countering these groups, and the emergence of the 'Alt-Right'. It draws on interviews with law enforcement officials, community activists, and current and former right-wing activists to inform and offer practical advice, paired with analyses of open source intelligence on the state of the RWE movement in Canada. The historical and contemporary contours of right-wing extremism in Canada are situated within the social, political, and cultural landscape that has shaped the movement. It will be of particular interest to students and researchers of criminology, sociology, social justice, terrorism and political violence.

This book offers a comprehensive approach to understanding hate crime, its causes, consequences, prevention, and prosecution. Hate crimes continue to be a pervasive problem in the United States. The murder of Matthew Shepard, the lynching of James Byrd, the murderous rampage of Benjamin Smith, and anti-Muslim violence remind us that incidence of deadly bigotry is not only a recurring chapter in U.S. history, but also a part of our present-day world. Contrary to common belief, hate mongers who commit crimes are rarely members of the Ku Klux Klan or a skinhead group. In fact, fewer than 5 percent of identifiable offenders are members of organized hate groups. Yet rather than being an individual crime, hate crime represents an assault against all members of stigmatized and marginalized communities. To fully understand the phenomenon of hate crime and reduce its incidence, it is necessary to clearly define the term itself, to examine the victims and the offenders, and to evaluate the consequences and harms of hate crimes. This comprehensive five-volume set carefully addresses the disturbing variety and incidence of hate crimes, exposing their impacts on the broader realms of crime, punishment, individual communities, and society. The contributing authors and editors pay critical attention to cutting-edge topics such as online hate crimes, hate-based music, anti-Latino hostilities, Islamaphobia, hate crimes in the War on Terror, school-based anti-hate initiatives, and more. The final volume of Hate Crimes provides valuable food for thought on possible legislative, educational, social policy, or community organizational responses to the varied forms of hate crime. Clarifies the ongoing debate regarding what behaviors fall under the umbrella of "hate crime" and which classes of victims should be included Examines the often-overlooked community effect consequences of hate crime Includes material that addresses hate-motivated crime directed toward women and the homeless community Offers eye-opening insights derived from an interview with a hate crime offender

Perry illuminates the Supreme Court's unique advantages in sustaining a noble public image by its stewardship of the revered Constitution, its constant embrace of the rule of law, the justices' life tenure, its symbols of impartiality and integrity, and a resolute determination to keep its distance from the media. She argues that the Court has bolstered these advantages to avoid traps that have marred Congressional and presidential images, and she demonstrates how the Court has escaped the worst of media coverage. In this detailed examination of the Court, its justices, decisions, facilities, and programs as well as its place in modern American culture, Perry illustrates that the Court has consciously endeavored to preserve its exalted standing. The Priestly Tribe provides an original and insightful analysis of this intriguing judicial institution for students and scholars of the Court and the general public.

Perry illuminates the Supreme Court's unique advantages in sustaining a noble public image by its stewardship of the revered Constitution, its constant embrace of the rule of law, the justices' life tenure, its symbols of impartiality and integrity, and a resolute determination to keep its distance from the media. She argues that the Court has bolstered these advantages to avoid traps that have marred Congressional and presidential images, and she demonstrates how the Court has escaped the worst of media coverage.

In this detailed examination of the Court, its justices, decisions, facilities, and programs as well as its place in modern American culture, Perry illustrates that the Court has consciously endeavored to preserve its exalted standing. "The Priestly Tribe" provides an original and insightful analysis of this intriguing judicial institution for students and scholars of the Court and the general public.

In recent decades, the U.S. Supreme Court has taken on an increased political prominence, due largely to such controversial issues as abortion, the separation of church and state, and civil rights. Because such issues could be affected by a Court member's personal beliefs and experiences, the question of how race, religion, and gender influence Supreme Court appointments is a crucial one. In this work, Barbara Perry explores the impact of these factors on the Court, placing the presidential nominations in their historical and political contexts. She examines the question of whether justices should be chosen in order to create a representative court that reflects elements in American society.

The book is based on both primary and secondary sources, including interviews with seven members of the Court. Following a detailed introduction, Perry provides a historical analysis of the appointments of eight Catholics, five Jews, one black, and one woman, revealing a link between the appointments and the political, social, electoral, and demographic contexts in which they were made. She traces the decline in importance of the religious factor, as the ascendence of religious groups in mainstream politics no longer made it necessary for presidents to maintain a representative Court position. Representative considerations, however, will continue to play a role in the selection process, and Perry argues for a reconciliation between the undeniable pull of politics and ideology and the demands for merit-based appointments. This work will add an important new perspective to studies of the Supreme Court, as well as to the study of law, political science, and American history.

Since the first and only constitutional convention in 1787, 26 amendments have been added to our governing document, but not one of them became law by virtue of the convention method. Despite more than 400 applications, no constitutional convention has been called in 202 years. Indeed it was James Madison who wrote, "Having witnessed the difficulties and dangers experienced by the first Convention. . . . I should tremble for the result of a Second." In "Unfounded Fears: Myths and Realities of a Constitutional Convention," Weber and Perry present a balanced, scholarly look on this controversial topic and introduce surprising conclusions.

Weber and Perry seek to determine if, in fact, the first convention was a runaway, as common wisdom holds, and they examine the process by which the Convention was called. They also review the attempts since 1787 to call a second constitutional convention, and they confront many of the questions commonly raised about a potential convention, including the process for electing delegates and the ability of Congress to establish and control the convention's procedures and substance of what a convention does. In their final chapter, they reflect on the realities of a balanced-budget amendment.

Since the first and only constitutional convention in 1787, 26 amendments have been added to our governing document, but not one of them became law by virtue of the convention method. Despite more than 400 applications, no constitutional convention has been called in 202 years. Indeed it was James Madison who wrote, "Having witnessed the difficulties and dangers experienced by the first Convention. . . . I should tremble for the result of a Second." In "Unfounded Fears: Myths and Realities of a Constitutional Convention," Weber and Perry present a balanced, scholarly look on this controversial topic and introduce surprising conclusions.

Weber and Perry seek to determine if, in fact, the first convention was a runaway, as common wisdom holds, and they examine the process by which the Convention was called. They also review the attempts since 1787 to call a second constitutional convention, and they confront many of the questions commonly raised about a potential convention, including the process for electing delegates and the ability of Congress to establish and control the convention's procedures and substance of what a convention does. In their final chapter, they reflect on the realities of a balanced-budget amendment.