This historic book may have numerous typos and missing text. Purchasers can download a free scanned copy of the original book (without typos) from the publisher. Not indexed. Not illustrated. 1888. Excerpt: ... in this and other Southern States during the period of reconstruction, tends to induce the belief that the doctrine might well be extended further, and partially, at least, acknowledged to be true. The initial step in every work of reform, whether in morals or legislation, as we have said, is to know the truth as it is, and, recognizing it, to provide some appropriate remedy against the ills that it forecasts. So long as we stand on debatable ground and controvert facts that ought to be admitted, we can do nothing. It may be conceded that the race antagonism of which I have spoken does not now, as a rule, extend beyond the domain of politics, or manifest itself in anything more than a complete and blind devotion to leaders whose merit consists chiefly in opposition to the white people; but ever and anon it crops out in matters of every-day life, and upon the most trivial provocation. Of one thing we may be sure--mere statutes cannot afford relief. We must go back of them, and in our organic law make some permanent provision against the evils resulting from universal, unlimited suffrage. Unlettered white men must be content to surrender their rights in part for the good of the State. There is nothing in the fifteenth article of the Federal Constitution to prevent appropriate action. That article simply declares that the 'right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States, or by any State, on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude." We may prescribe in our constitution an educational test; we may add to it the payment of all taxes, including the poll tax. There ought to be no objection to this. Under a system of common schools in active operation, as with us, there is no reason why every ma...